Members of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have voiced opposition to a proposal by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) to introduce absentee and mail-in voting in elections.
DPP Legislator Rosalia Wu (吳思瑤) argued that absentee voting should first be tested in referendums and implemented only after a national consensus is reached. At present, election law requires voters to cast their ballots in the location of their household registration. Those who move elsewhere for school or work must travel back home to vote. The KMT’s proposal would allow citizens to vote from anywhere in Taiwan.
Wu also raised concerns about mail-in voting, which would be introduced alongside absentee voting, warning that it could pose national security risks if ballots were permitted from China, where many Taiwanese work or study. Echoing her concerns, Taiwan Economic Democracy Union convener Lai Chung-chiang (賴中強) warned that mail-in voting could open the door to interference from the Chinese Communist Party.
“Beijing could use financial pressure to mobilize Taiwanese doing business in China to vote for certain candidates or political parties it favors,” Lai said.
KMT Legislator Lin Pei-hsiang (林沛祥) disagreed, pointing out that many democracies, including the US, have absentee voting, and Taiwan could follow a similar path.
Both arguments have merit: Absentee and mail-in voting are widely practiced in the US, Canada, the UK, Australia, Japan and South Korea, yet Taiwan faces unique security challenges. Chinese interference in Taiwan’s elections is well-documented.
However, these challenges are not unique to Taiwan. The US, Canada and the UK have all reported attempts at foreign interference in elections, most often attributed to China and Russia. Disallowing absentee or mail-in voting would not eliminate these threats.
Nonetheless, steps can be taken to reduce voter fraud and election interference while expanding access. Mail-in voting from China should simply not be allowed. Taiwan has no representative office in China and there is no reliable way to verify that ballots sent from the nation are genuine and not tampered with. To ensure election integrity, domestic in-person absentee voting could be implemented, while mail-in ballots from abroad would be restricted.
Other safeguards could include continuing to require paper ballots to be submitted at designated secure polling stations, conducting post-election audits and keeping all voting systems offline. The Central Election Commission could also lead media literacy campaigns to help voters verify candidate-related information online, and establish anonymous channels for reporting suspected vote-buying or election fraud.
Absentee voting would benefit Taiwan’s democracy, particularly given the mobility of its population. A significant portion of the 15 million working-age adults and 1.07 million students live away from the address listed on their household registration.
The DPP should consider embracing absentee voting, provided it is implemented securely, as it could improve voter participation. In last year’s presidential election, turnout was 71.86 percent of registered voters, while in the 2022 local “nine-in-one” elections turnout fell to as low as 58 percent in some municipalities. Many citizens are unable — or unwilling — to travel home due to work, school or financial constraints. Disallowing absentee voting effectively excludes them from the democratic process.
While mail-in voting carries security risks, domestic in-person absentee voting can be conducted as securely as the current system. The DPP should engage with the opposition to explore a compromise that preserves security while allowing greater participation. Implementing secure absentee voting would respect the rights of mobile citizens, strengthen democracy and modernize the electoral system to reflect the realities of today’s population.
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
India is not China, and many of its residents fear it never will be. It is hard to imagine a future in which the subcontinent’s manufacturing dominates the world, its foreign investment shapes nations’ destinies, and the challenge of its economic system forces the West to reshape its own policies and principles. However, that is, apparently, what the US administration fears. Speaking in New Delhi last week, US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau warned that “we will not make the same mistakes with India that we did with China 20 years ago.” Although he claimed the recently agreed framework
The Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) on Wednesday last week announced it is launching investigations into 16 US trading partners, including Taiwan, under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 to determine whether they have engaged in unfair trade practices, such as overproduction. A day later, the agency announced a separate Section 301 investigation into 60 economies based on the implementation of measures to prohibit the importation of goods produced with forced labor. Several of Taiwan’s main trading rivals — including China, Japan, South Korea and the EU — also made the US’ investigation list. The announcements come
Taiwan is not invited to the table. It never has been, but this year, with the Philippines holding the ASEAN chair, the question that matters is no longer who gets formally named, it is who becomes structurally indispensable. The “one China” formula continues to do its job. It sets the outer boundary of official diplomatic speech, and no one in the region has a serious interest in openly challenging it. However, beneath the surface, something is thickening. Trade corridors, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence (AI) cooperation, supply chains, cross-border investment: The connective tissue between Taiwan and ASEAN is quietly and methodically growing