Youth-led unrest that spread across Morocco last week revealed deep-seated anger over poverty and public services behind a storyline of ambitious infrastructure projects and modern stadiums opening ahead of the 2030 World Cup.
The protests in major cities — inspired by similar revolts in Nepal, Madagascar and Peru — devolved into riots in rural towns and remote cities. Three people were shot dead as they tried to storm a security headquarters, and more than 400 were arrested, before the violence eased.
The unrest was the most widespread since the 2011 Arab Spring protests, which prompted King Mohammed VI to devolve some powers to parliament. It was also the most violent since the 2016 protests in the Rif region.
The protests expose a challenge for authorities, as they try to maintain order and the pace of economic development while burnishing Morocco’s international image ahead of the World Cup, to be cohosted with Spain and Portugal.
Morocco has set itself apart from other non-oil Arab economies by pouring billions into roads, rail, ports, renewable energy and manufacturing.
Poverty has been cut almost in half, the country’s statistics agency said, and living standards in parts of the northwest coast rival Europe.
Central bank data projects GDP growth of 4.6 percent this year from 3.8 percent last year. Last month, S&P credit rating agency gave Morocco, one of Africa’s most diversified economies, a coveted “investment-grade” label.
However, protesters said that the prosperity has not been evenly distributed. Their main demands have been better healthcare and education, often drawing an explicit comparison to the rapid pace of tournament preparations.
One refrain — “We do not want the World Cup. Health first” — was deployed at a hospital in the southern coastal town of Agadir last month, after eight women died there in childbirth.
Naji Achoui, a 24-year-old medical student who joined a demonstration outside Morocco’s parliament in Rabat, said that he was motivated by working in an emergency room that lacked basic equipment such as a CT scanner.
“I see poor people suffering every day, because of the dire conditions in public hospitals,” he said.
Research from CESE, the country’s economic and social council, last year found a quarter of Moroccans between 15 and 24 years old are not in education, employment or training.
Jihane Ratma, 19, who studies management in Sale, pointed to the school system’s failures.
“We reject violence, but both the youth that protest peacefully and those engaging in riots are all victims of public policies,” she said.
Reactions to the protests suggest officials were initially wrongfooted. At first, rallies were banned and police thwarted attempts to gather.
By the time authorities pivoted to engagement, hundreds of cars and dozens of buildings, including banks and a police station, had been ransacked or torched.
“The government and members of parliament buried their heads in the sand, leaving the security forces to deal with the fallout of failed policies,” retired police official Mohamed Agdid said.
The confusion was likely compounded by the anonymous character of the group calling itself “GenZ 212” — a reference to Morocco’s dialing code — which mobilized protesters online using Discord, TikTok and Instagram.
Membership in its Discord server surged from 3,000 to 188,000 in just a week.
The protests took a particularly violent turn in rural areas such as Ait Amira, an agricultural town in Morocco’s southern breadbasket region.
Over three decades, the population there has more than quadrupled, from 25,000 to about 113,000, as seasonal workers poured in to work on nearby farms.
Services have not kept up. Joblessness is rife and illegal construction is booming. Even the language has changed, with Amazigh supplanted by Moroccan Arabic.
“Ait Amira was a tinderbox waiting to explode,” sociologist and activist Khalid Alayoud said.
Such problems are accompanied by a deepening loss of faith in conventional politics.
Trust in political parties dropped to 33 percent in 2023 from 50 percent a year earlier, a Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis survey showed.
Since the violence calmed, officials have struck a conciliatory tone. Moroccan Minister of Economic Inclusion, Small Business, Employment and Skills Younes Sekkouri acknowledged the “sincerity” of the protesters’ demands, and Moroccan Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch — whose resignation many protesters demanded — said that dialogue was the only path forward.
Many are waiting to see what the king would say when he addresses parliament’s opening this month.
Protesters have steered clear of red lines, including the monarchy.
GenZ 212 in one statement quoted a 2017 speech by the king, in which he admonished officials to “either discharge your obligations fully or withdraw from public life.”
There has been much catastrophizing in Taiwan recently about America becoming more unreliable as a bulwark against Chinese pressure. Some of this has been sparked by debates in Washington about whether the United States should defend Taiwan in event of conflict. There also were understandable anxieties about whether President Trump would sacrifice Taiwan’s interests for a trade deal when he sat down with President Xi (習近平) in late October. On top of that, Taiwan’s opposition political leaders have sought to score political points by attacking the Lai (賴清德) administration for mishandling relations with the United States. Part of this budding anxiety
The diplomatic dispute between China and Japan over Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s comments in the Japanese Diet continues to escalate. In a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, China’s UN Ambassador Fu Cong (傅聰) wrote that, “if Japan dares to attempt an armed intervention in the cross-Strait situation, it would be an act of aggression.” There was no indication that Fu was aware of the irony implicit in the complaint. Until this point, Beijing had limited its remonstrations to diplomatic summonses and weaponization of economic levers, such as banning Japanese seafood imports, discouraging Chinese from traveling to Japan or issuing
On Nov. 8, newly elected Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) and Vice Chairman Chi Lin-len (季麟連) attended a memorial for White Terror era victims, during which convicted Chinese Communist Party (CCP) spies such as Wu Shi (吳石) were also honored. Cheng’s participation in the ceremony, which she said was part of her efforts to promote cross-strait reconciliation, has trapped herself and her party into the KMT’s dark past, and risks putting the party back on its old disastrous road. Wu, a lieutenant general who was the Ministry of National Defense’s deputy chief of the general staff, was recruited
Tokyo-Beijing relations have been rapidly deteriorating over the past two weeks as China tries to punish Japan over Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s remarks about Taiwan earlier this month, and the off-ramp to this conflict is yet to be seen. Takaichi saying that a “Taiwan contingency” could cause a “situation threatening Japan’s survival” — which would allow Japan to act in self-defense — has drawn Beijing’s ire and sparked retaliatory measures. Her remark did not gain public attention until Chinese Consul General in Osaka Xue Jian (薛劍) made an apparent threat to behead her. The two sides lodged protests against each