In December 1937, Japanese troops captured Nanjing and unleashed one of the darkest chapters of the 20th century. Over six weeks, hundreds of thousands were slaughtered and women were raped on a scale that still defies comprehension.
Across Asia, the Japanese occupation left deep scars. Singapore, Malaya, the Philippines and much of China endured terror, forced labor and massacres. My own grandfather was tortured by the Japanese in Singapore. His wife, traumatized beyond recovery, lived the rest of her life in silence and breakdown. These stories are real, not abstract history.
Here is the irony: Mao Zedong (毛澤東) himself once told visiting Japanese delegations that without Japan’s invasion, there would be no People’s Republic of China.
“If Japan had not invaded, we would not be in power,” he said.
Mao was right. Japan’s invasion shattered the legitimacy of Chiang Kai-shek’s (蔣介石) Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government. The KMT fought the bulk of the war, losing millions of soldiers, yet its defeats and corruption eroded public trust.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), by contrast, used the chaos to expand their base, grow their guerrilla armies and present themselves as the “true” defenders of the people. Japan’s brutality, unintentionally, created the conditions for Mao’s rise.
Today, the CCP has made anti-Japanese sentiment one of the pillars of its nationalist identity.
From school textbooks to television dramas, from state-orchestrated commemorations to blockbuster films like Dead to Rights (南京照相館) or Evil Unbound (731), the message is drilled relentlessly: Japan is the eternal enemy, and the CCP is the eternal savior. The inconvenient facts — that the KMT bore the brunt of the fighting, and that Mao privately thanked Japan — are erased from the story. This is not remembrance. It is propaganda.
The CCP has hijacked the genuine pain of millions of Chinese and folded it into its own political machine. For the CCP, history is never about truth or healing; it is about control. By cultivating perpetual anger toward Japan, the CCP forges a shared sense of Han identity, while presenting itself as the guardian against foreign humiliation.
The result is an entire generation taught to see hatred as patriotic duty. Ask young Chinese today about World War II, and many would echo CCP talking points word for word. For them, remembering history means obeying the party’s narrative.
However, this narrative is profoundly dishonest. Mao’s private comments to Japanese delegations reveal the party’s real stance: Japan’s invasion was useful. It gave the CCP its chance. In public, Mao’s successors inflamed anti-Japanese sentiment to consolidate their legitimacy. In private, Mao knew who he had to thank. This double standard is the greatest political con of modern Chinese history.
Japan’s crimes were real. The massacres, the experiments of Unit 731, the suffering across Asia — these cannot be denied. Families like mine still carry those scars. However, acknowledging atrocity is not the same as weaponizing it. The CCP has turned memory into a cudgel, bludgeoning both domestic opinion and overseas Chinese communities into compliance with its version of history.
The victims deserve truth and dignity. Instead, they got manipulation. The suffering of millions has been twisted into a permanent propaganda campaign, not to honor the dead, but to keep the living in line.
History is complex. Memory should be honest. Under the CCP, memory is shackled. Until that changes, the ghosts of Nanjing — and of countless families across Asia — would remain trapped, not only by what Japan once did, but by how Beijing insists those wounds must be remembered.
Derek Low is a retired Singaporean professional who worked in the graphic arts industry for international printing press manufacturers. A third-generation Singaporean, he has both family memories of the Japanese occupation and first-hand experience of China’s transformation since the 1990s.
After more than a year of review, the National Security Bureau on Monday said it has completed a sweeping declassification of political archives from the Martial Law period, transferring the full collection to the National Archives Administration under the National Development Council. The move marks another significant step in Taiwan’s long journey toward transitional justice. The newly opened files span the architecture of authoritarian control: internal security and loyalty investigations, intelligence and counterintelligence operations, exit and entry controls, overseas surveillance of Taiwan independence activists, and case materials related to sedition and rebellion charges. For academics of Taiwan’s White Terror era —
On Feb. 7, the New York Times ran a column by Nicholas Kristof (“What if the valedictorians were America’s cool kids?”) that blindly and lavishly praised education in Taiwan and in Asia more broadly. We are used to this kind of Orientalist admiration for what is, at the end of the day, paradoxically very Anglo-centered. They could have praised Europeans for valuing education, too, but one rarely sees an American praising Europe, right? It immediately made me think of something I have observed. If Taiwanese education looks so wonderful through the eyes of the archetypal expat, gazing from an ivory tower, how
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long been expansionist and contemptuous of international law. Under Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), the CCP regime has become more despotic, coercive and punitive. As part of its strategy to annex Taiwan, Beijing has sought to erase the island democracy’s international identity by bribing countries to sever diplomatic ties with Taipei. One by one, China has peeled away Taiwan’s remaining diplomatic partners, leaving just 12 countries (mostly small developing states) and the Vatican recognizing Taiwan as a sovereign nation. Taiwan’s formal international space has shrunk dramatically. Yet even as Beijing has scored diplomatic successes, its overreach
China has apparently emerged as one of the clearest and most predictable beneficiaries of US President Donald Trump’s “America First” and “Make America Great Again” approach. Many countries are scrambling to defend their interests and reputation regarding an increasingly unpredictable and self-seeking US. There is a growing consensus among foreign policy pundits that the world has already entered the beginning of the end of Pax Americana, the US-led international order. Consequently, a number of countries are reversing their foreign policy preferences. The result has been an accelerating turn toward China as an alternative economic partner, with Beijing hosting Western leaders, albeit