The war between Israel and Iran offers far-reaching strategic lessons, not only for the Middle East, but also for East Asia, particularly Taiwan. As tensions rise across both regions, the behavior of global powers, especially the US under the US President Donald Trump, signals how alliances, deterrence and rapid military mobilization could shape the outcomes of future conflicts. For Taiwan, facing increasing pressure and aggression from China, these lessons are both urgent and actionable.
One of the most notable features of the Israel-Iran war was the prompt and decisive intervention of the US. Although the Trump administration is often portrayed as isolationist or transactional in its foreign policy, it has demonstrated a willingness to act directly, swiftly and forcefully when vital interests — such as preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon — or when the security of key allies are at stake. The US was not alone: Western allies, including the UK, France and Germany, mobilized in support of Israel. This multinational response, largely shaped and led by US influence, sends a clear message to potential adversaries: When necessary, the West can and will act together.
For Taiwan, this development should be interpreted as a strategic reassurance. The US military demonstrated its global reach and rapid deployment capacity, projecting credible force on the other side of the world in support of an ally under attack and threat by a potential nuclear state. In a future scenario where China launches aggression against Taiwan, such capabilities would be indispensable. While Israel and Taiwan differ in geography, nature of risk and politics, both share the status of small, threatened democracies with deep strategic ties to the US. The Israel-Iran war shows that those ties can translate into meaningful action when tested.
However, it is important to note that the US intervention under Trump was only made possible because it remained limited in scope and duration. The Trump administration — shaped by its aversion to protracted wars such as those in Iraq and Afghanistan — supported Israel because it was clear that Israel itself had the capability and will to carry out the bulk of the military operation.
Israel’s military strength and strategic clarity allowed the US to participate in a focused and time-bound mission to eliminate Iran’s nuclear threat without the risk of being drawn into an open-ended ground war. Trump prefers decisive victories and aligning with winners. For Taiwan, the implication is clear: It must continue to build independent military capabilities strong enough to resist a Chinese invasion on its own. Only then would the likelihood of receiving timely and significant US support — especially under a Trump administration — increase.
Moreover, despite Iran’s close ties with Russia, China and North Korea, none of these powers came to its aid in any material sense: They limited their support to verbal condemnations or diplomatic positioning. Notably, China even warned Iran against closing the Strait of Hormuz as a measure of retaliation for the US attack on its nuclear facilities, citing global economic and energy concerns. This illustrates a fundamental tension in the so-called anti-Western bloc: Their interests are not always aligned. For Taiwan and other small states in the region, this fragmentation within the China-Russia-Iran-North Korea partnership is a strategic advantage.
Additionally, the Israeli war effort highlights the importance of long-term military and intelligence cooperation. Israel and the US have conducted joint military exercises and strategic planning for years, preparing for precisely such a contingency. The results speak for themselves: coordinated deception, operational readiness and high-level diplomatic synchronization. Taiwan, which already maintains discreet ties with the US, should work hard to expand and deepen this cooperation. Joint drills, intelligence sharing and defense technology collaborations must be quietly intensified to create a credible deterrence posture.
Another key lesson lies in the strategic utility of small states. Israel and Taiwan, despite their size, possess the ability to shape US decisionmaking when they emphasize their unique strategic value and role. The Israel-Iran war shows how US planners and military forces operate in close alignment with Israeli assessments and objectives. Taiwan must act to do the same: Clearly communicate its importance to US interests in the Indo-Pacific and proactively involve Washington in planning for various contingencies.
Finally, Taiwan must advocate for a stronger US role in the regional security architecture of East Asia. It should do so subtly, without provoking Beijing unnecessarily, while building political, technological and quiet strategic coalitions with like-minded democracies such as Japan, the Philippines, India and Australia. As Israel has shown, years of quiet preparation and tight military-political coordination with the Gulf nations, such as the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain — and mainly with the US — can pay off when deterrence is tested.
In sum, the Israel-Iran war is not just a regional conflict. It is a case study in alliance credibility, deterrence signaling and the operational utility of strategic partnerships. For Taiwan, it is a timely warning and a call to action: Deepen your alliances, prepare meticulously and — alongside the development of independent military and technological capabilities — strengthen strategic partnerships to ensure credible deterrence in an increasingly interconnected world.
Doron Feldman is a recent Taiwan Fellowship recipient affiliated with the Institute of Political Science at Academia Sinica in Taipei. He has recently submitted his doctoral dissertation to the School of Political Science, Government and International Affairs at Tel Aviv University in Israel.
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