China’s partnership with Pakistan has long served as a key instrument in Beijing’s efforts to unsettle India. While official narratives frame the two nations’ alliance as one of economic cooperation and regional stability, the underlying strategy suggests a deliberate attempt to check India’s rise through military, economic and diplomatic maneuvering.
China’s growing influence in Pakistan is deeply intertwined with its own global ambitions. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative, offers China direct access to the Arabian Sea, bypassing potentially vulnerable trade routes. For Pakistan, these investments provide critical infrastructure, yet they also cement a dependency that Beijing can leverage to keep Islamabad firmly in its orbit.
For India, the expansion of Chinese control over Pakistani infrastructure — especially in regions bordering India — creates security concerns. The CPEC runs through areas that India claims as its own, fueling tensions over territorial sovereignty, and reinforcing friction between New Delhi and Islamabad.
Beyond economic investments, China and Pakistan maintain robust military ties. Beijing has supplied Islamabad with advanced weaponry, including fighter jets, missile systems and naval assets, ensuring that Pakistan remains a formidable adversary to India. Joint military exercises and agreements on intelligence sharing further cement this defense partnership, forcing New Delhi to expend significant resources monitoring threats from its northern and western borders.
This dual-front challenge diverts India’s strategic focus, preventing it from dedicating full attention to its aspirations as a global power. The mere possibility of coordinated military operations between China and Pakistan serves as a potent deterrent that keeps Indian defense planners perpetually on high alert.
China’s diplomatic backing of Pakistan — especially on sensitive issues such as Kashmir — adds another layer to this strategy. Beijing has repeatedly blocked India’s efforts in the UN to designate Pakistan-based militants as global terrorists, frustrating New Delhi’s counterterrorism initiatives. China’s opposition to India’s bids for leadership roles in international organizations ensures that India remains entangled in regional disputes rather than focusing on broader global ambitions.
While China’s alliance with Pakistan serves multiple strategic objectives, one of its primary functions is to keep India constantly engaged in subcontinental conflicts. By ensuring that New Delhi must continuously address security concerns along its borders, Beijing delays India’s efforts to strengthen ties with other global powers or consolidate influence in Asia-Pacific affairs.
India is adapting. Enhanced diplomatic ties with the US, Japan and Australia, along with growing domestic military capabilities, suggest that New Delhi is working to counteract Beijing’s tactics. The long-term trajectory would depend on how New Delhi leverages its own alliances and economic resilience to turn this geopolitical challenge into an opportunity for greater strategic positioning.
Khedroob Thondup is a former member of the Tibetan parliament in exile.
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Recently, Taipei’s streets have been plagued by the bizarre sight of rats running rampant and the city government’s countermeasures have devolved into an anti-intellectual farce. The Taipei Parks and Street Lights Office has attempted to eradicate rats by filling their burrows with polyurethane foam, seeming to believe that rats could not simply dig another path out. Meanwhile, as the nation’s capital slowly deteriorates into a rat hive, the Taipei Department of Environmental Protection has proudly pointed to the increase in the number of poisoned rats reported in February and March as a sign of success. When confronted with public concerns over young
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is