The decline of US soft power in Indonesia has significant implications not just for Washington, but also for Taiwan. As US public diplomacy retreats, particularly with cuts to Voice of America (VOA) and the US Agency for International Development, the space for balanced geopolitical discourse in Indonesia is shrinking. In this vacuum, Chinese narratives — especially regarding Taiwan — are poised to dominate Indonesia’s public perception, reinforcing Beijing’s strategic priorities.
Indonesia has long adhered to a cautious stance on Taiwan, maintaining its “one China” policy while avoiding direct engagement with the Taiwan issue. Despite its democratic values and economic dynamism, Taiwan has struggled to make its voice heard in Indonesia.
This cautious approach is largely driven by Indonesia’s economic dependency on Beijing. Without robust soft-power engagement, Taiwanese perspectives risk being drowned out by Chinese narratives, which are increasingly amplified through state-sponsored media, economic partnerships and religious diplomacy.
For years, VOA Indonesia and Radio Free Asia served as critical channels for democratic discourse, offering alternative perspectives on global affairs, including cross-strait relations. Its shutdown means Indonesian audiences will have fewer sources of balanced information on Taiwan, leaving Chinese state-controlled media, such as Xinhua and CGTN, to shape the narrative unchallenged.
These platforms already have the potential to dominate Indonesian-language news on Taiwan, possibly framing it as an inseparable part of China and downplaying discussions on Taiwan’s democratic achievements or its independent global economic contributions.
China’s strategic engagement with Indonesia extends beyond the media. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, scholarships, and state-backed partnerships with Indonesian think tanks and universities, Beijing has entrenched its influence in key opinion-shaping sectors. By funding research grants, providing technical assistance and inviting Indonesian academics to China, Beijing could reframe Taiwan-related discourse to align with its “one China” stance.
Furthermore, China has actively engaged Indonesia’s powerful Muslim organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, fostering closer ties through scholarships, cultural exchanges and religious diplomacy. Beijing’s efforts to build relationships within Indonesia’s Islamic communities have softened criticism of its domestic policies, including its treatment of Uighur Muslims. This religious engagement strategy could also extend to shaping narratives about Taiwan, potentially framing it as a geopolitical irritant rather than a legitimate political entity with its own governance and aspirations.
Taiwan must strengthen its soft power in Indonesia by expanding media outreach, enhancing academic collaborations and fostering economic ties. Investing in Indonesian-language media and working with independent outlets can provide alternative perspectives on cross-strait relations. Strengthening academic partnerships through scholarships and research funding will help promote Taiwanese perspectives on democracy, technology and innovation.
Cultural and religious diplomacy is also essential. Taiwan can engage with Indonesia’s Muslim organizations through interfaith dialogues and educational initiatives, reinforcing shared values.
Additionally, Taiwan must engage the Indonesian public directly through social media, cultural festivals and people-to-people exchanges. Notably, student exchanges between Indonesia and Taiwan have been strong and should be further reinforced to build long-term mutual understanding.
As the US retreats from its traditional role in shaping public discourse in Indonesia, Taiwan faces an urgent need to amplify its own voice in Indonesia. Without strategic soft-power initiatives, Taiwanese narratives risk being overshadowed by Beijing’s expanding influence.
By proactively investing in media, education, economic ties and cultural diplomacy, Taiwan can carve out a stronger presence in Indonesia, ensuring that its story is not lost in the rising tide of Chinese soft power.
Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is director of the China-
Indonesia Desk at the Center of Economic and Law Studies in Jakarta.
In the first year of his second term, US President Donald Trump continued to shake the foundations of the liberal international order to realize his “America first” policy. However, amid an atmosphere of uncertainty and unpredictability, the Trump administration brought some clarity to its policy toward Taiwan. As expected, bilateral trade emerged as a major priority for the new Trump administration. To secure a favorable trade deal with Taiwan, it adopted a two-pronged strategy: First, Trump accused Taiwan of “stealing” chip business from the US, indicating that if Taipei did not address Washington’s concerns in this strategic sector, it could revisit its Taiwan
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) challenges and ignores the international rules-based order by violating Taiwanese airspace using a high-flying drone: This incident is a multi-layered challenge, including a lawfare challenge against the First Island Chain, the US, and the world. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) defines lawfare as “controlling the enemy through the law or using the law to constrain the enemy.” Chen Yu-cheng (陳育正), an associate professor at the Graduate Institute of China Military Affairs Studies, at Taiwan’s Fu Hsing Kang College (National Defense University), argues the PLA uses lawfare to create a precedent and a new de facto legal
Chile has elected a new government that has the opportunity to take a fresh look at some key aspects of foreign economic policy, mainly a greater focus on Asia, including Taiwan. Still, in the great scheme of things, Chile is a small nation in Latin America, compared with giants such as Brazil and Mexico, or other major markets such as Colombia and Argentina. So why should Taiwan pay much attention to the new administration? Because the victory of Chilean president-elect Jose Antonio Kast, a right-of-center politician, can be seen as confirming that the continent is undergoing one of its periodic political shifts,
The stocks of rare earth companies soared on Monday following news that the Trump administration had taken a 10 percent stake in Oklahoma mining and magnet company USA Rare Earth Inc. Such is the visible benefit enjoyed by the growing number of firms that count Uncle Sam as a shareholder. Yet recent events surrounding perhaps what is the most well-known state-picked champion, Intel Corp, exposed a major unseen cost of the federal government’s unprecedented intervention in private business: the distortion of capital markets that have underpinned US growth and innovation since its founding. Prior to Intel’s Jan. 22 call with analysts
RSS