The decline of US soft power in Indonesia has significant implications not just for Washington, but also for Taiwan. As US public diplomacy retreats, particularly with cuts to Voice of America (VOA) and the US Agency for International Development, the space for balanced geopolitical discourse in Indonesia is shrinking. In this vacuum, Chinese narratives — especially regarding Taiwan — are poised to dominate Indonesia’s public perception, reinforcing Beijing’s strategic priorities.
Indonesia has long adhered to a cautious stance on Taiwan, maintaining its “one China” policy while avoiding direct engagement with the Taiwan issue. Despite its democratic values and economic dynamism, Taiwan has struggled to make its voice heard in Indonesia.
This cautious approach is largely driven by Indonesia’s economic dependency on Beijing. Without robust soft-power engagement, Taiwanese perspectives risk being drowned out by Chinese narratives, which are increasingly amplified through state-sponsored media, economic partnerships and religious diplomacy.
For years, VOA Indonesia and Radio Free Asia served as critical channels for democratic discourse, offering alternative perspectives on global affairs, including cross-strait relations. Its shutdown means Indonesian audiences will have fewer sources of balanced information on Taiwan, leaving Chinese state-controlled media, such as Xinhua and CGTN, to shape the narrative unchallenged.
These platforms already have the potential to dominate Indonesian-language news on Taiwan, possibly framing it as an inseparable part of China and downplaying discussions on Taiwan’s democratic achievements or its independent global economic contributions.
China’s strategic engagement with Indonesia extends beyond the media. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, scholarships, and state-backed partnerships with Indonesian think tanks and universities, Beijing has entrenched its influence in key opinion-shaping sectors. By funding research grants, providing technical assistance and inviting Indonesian academics to China, Beijing could reframe Taiwan-related discourse to align with its “one China” stance.
Furthermore, China has actively engaged Indonesia’s powerful Muslim organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, fostering closer ties through scholarships, cultural exchanges and religious diplomacy. Beijing’s efforts to build relationships within Indonesia’s Islamic communities have softened criticism of its domestic policies, including its treatment of Uighur Muslims. This religious engagement strategy could also extend to shaping narratives about Taiwan, potentially framing it as a geopolitical irritant rather than a legitimate political entity with its own governance and aspirations.
Taiwan must strengthen its soft power in Indonesia by expanding media outreach, enhancing academic collaborations and fostering economic ties. Investing in Indonesian-language media and working with independent outlets can provide alternative perspectives on cross-strait relations. Strengthening academic partnerships through scholarships and research funding will help promote Taiwanese perspectives on democracy, technology and innovation.
Cultural and religious diplomacy is also essential. Taiwan can engage with Indonesia’s Muslim organizations through interfaith dialogues and educational initiatives, reinforcing shared values.
Additionally, Taiwan must engage the Indonesian public directly through social media, cultural festivals and people-to-people exchanges. Notably, student exchanges between Indonesia and Taiwan have been strong and should be further reinforced to build long-term mutual understanding.
As the US retreats from its traditional role in shaping public discourse in Indonesia, Taiwan faces an urgent need to amplify its own voice in Indonesia. Without strategic soft-power initiatives, Taiwanese narratives risk being overshadowed by Beijing’s expanding influence.
By proactively investing in media, education, economic ties and cultural diplomacy, Taiwan can carve out a stronger presence in Indonesia, ensuring that its story is not lost in the rising tide of Chinese soft power.
Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is director of the China-
Indonesia Desk at the Center of Economic and Law Studies in Jakarta.
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
A recent Taipei Times editorial (“A targeted bilingual policy,” March 12, page 8) questioned how the Ministry of Education can justify spending NT$151 million (US$4.74 million) when the spotlighted achievements are English speech competitions and campus tours. It is a fair question, but it focuses on the wrong issue. The problem is not last year’s outcomes failing to meet the bilingual education vision; the issue is that the ministry has abandoned the program that originally justified such a large expenditure. In the early years of Bilingual 2030, the ministry’s K-12 Administration promoted the Bilingual Instruction in Select Domains Program (部分領域課程雙語教學實施計畫).
Former Fijian prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry spoke at the Yushan Forum in Taipei on Monday, saying that while global conflicts were causing economic strife in the world, Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP) serves as a stabilizing force in the Indo-Pacific region and offers strategic opportunities for small island nations such as Fiji, as well as support in the fields of public health, education, renewable energy and agricultural technology. Taiwan does not have official diplomatic relations with Fiji, but it is one of the small island nations covered by the NSP. Chaudhry said that Fiji, as a sovereign nation, should support
RSS