US president-elect Donald Trump on Monday last week said he would impose tariffs of 25 percent on all imports from Mexico and Canada, and an additional tariff of 10 percent on all imports from China on the first day he takes office.
He said the measures were necessary to tackle illegal immigration and imports of drugs, especially fentanyl, into the US, demonstrating how Trump is willing to use trade measures to deal with the US’ internal issues. It also shows that Trump would use the threat of tariffs as a form of diplomatic coercion.
However, judging from Trump’s actions during his first presidential term, if Canada and Mexico respond by strengthening law enforcement along the border, there is a possibility that there would be no tariff adjustments. The threat of tariffs is likely a negotiating tactic to win concessions from the US’ key trade partners and China.
Still, there are increasing concerns about global trade protectionism and a potential economic slowdown due to a US-China trade dispute after Trump’s return to the White House next month.
For example, the Bank of Korea’s back-to-back 25 basis points cut in interest rates on Thursday, which came as a surprise to the market, signaled the central bank is worried about the effect of Trump’s trade policies. The central bank also lowered its forecast for GDP growth and inflation for this year and next.
Taiwan’s economy could also be affected by Trump’s trade policies, as he has threatened to impose 10 to 20 percent tariffs on all imports into the US. Such a move would have a significant impact on Taiwan’s export sector, including information and communications technology products, electronic components, machinery products and steel.
From January to October, Taiwan’s exports to the US reached US$92.88 billion, an annual increase of 55 percent, data compiled by the Ministry of Finance showed.
Taiwan’s trade surplus with the US reached US$52.92 billion in the first 10 months of this year, a new high, and is expected to be close to that of the nation’s trade surplus with China.
With US-China trade conflicts set to intensify in the era of Trump 2.0, it remains to be seen whether Taiwan would continue to benefit from order transfers and supply chain realignment, as it did during the first Trump presidency and during US President Joe Biden’s administration, or be affected by tariff hikes.
However, one thing is for sure: The government and businesses must keep a close eye on the impact of Trump’s trade policy on foreign exchange rates, monetary policies of major central banks and the global demand outlook including the pace of China’s economic slowdown.
Another uncertainty is the US Federal Reserve’s rate cut prospects.
The US central bank cut its key interest rate in September and adjusted it downward again last month. However, further rate cuts are anticipated to be shallower due to the inflationary effect of Trump’s policies.
Any changes in the US monetary policy, even a reversal, would affect global capital flows and business investments.
Once the Fed puts the brakes on its rate cuts, international funds would stop shifting out of the US for other destinations, and the US dollar would begin to strengthen again, adding depreciation pressure on other currencies, including the New Taiwan dollar.
Trump has said that “tariff” is the “most beautiful word in the dictionary,” and firmly believes this fiscal tool can solve many of the US’ problems.
Next year is bound to be an economically tumultuous one under the new Trump administration.
It behooves the government and local businesses to quickly test the viability of their current strategies and build their capacity to respond efficiently to future challenges.
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan