The National Science and Technology Council has conducted an annual national science and technology trends survey since 1981 to highlight the state of domestic research and development (R&D) activities and provide input and recommendations to the government for drafting science and technology policies. On Oct. 31, the council released its survey for last year, showing the nation’s total R&D expenditures increased 4.4 percent year-on-year to NT$937.3 billion (US$28.85 billion) and accounted for 3.98 percent of GDP, up 0.02 percent from the previous year.
Of the total R&D spending, NT$135.8 billion was from the government sector, an 8.6 percent annual increase, while NT$801.5 billion came from the corporate sector, up 3.7 percent from the previous year, the council said.
What warrants attention is the 3.7 percent annual increase in the corporate sector’s R&D expenditures last year, which was not only the lowest growth in seven years, but also marked a stark decline from the previous three years, when the growth rates were 11 percent in 2022, 16.4 percent in 2021 and 10.63 percent in 2020.
Affected by the sharp setback in the corporate sector’s R&D investment, the 4.4 percent increase in the nation’s total R&D spending last year also represented the slowest pace in seven years, highlighting the crucial impact of changes in enterprises’ resource deployment on national R&D spending.
The corporate sector plays a key role in progressing the nation’s R&D, as firms’ R&D expenses have accounted for more than 80 percent of the national R&D expenditures over the past few years. The ratio was 85.5 percent last year, down 0.6 percentage points from the previous year, the council’s data showed. While the ratio of government investment in R&D to national R&D spending increased by 0.6 percentage points compared with 2022 to reach 14.5 percent, it remains far behind the government’s goal of approaching a ratio of 40 percent for the public sector and 60 percent for the private sector.
In other words, when firms in the private sector are affected by various factors and reduce their R&D investment, government agencies and affiliates in the public sector must play a counter-cyclical role as a national development stabilizer. They should increase R&D investment to maintain the country’s overall science and technology competitiveness in times of insufficient spending by firms.
The survey also found that Taiwan’s R&D efforts remain focused on technology development. Funding in this area increased 5.5 percent to NT$689.7 billion last year, accounting for 73.6 percent of the overall R&D spending, as rising demand for products related to 5G, artificial intelligence and high-performance computing boosted corporate R&D in computers, semiconductors, electronics and optical components manufacturing. In contrast, about NT$173 billion went to applied research, down 1.4 percent and comprising 18.5 percent of the total R&D spending.
Meanwhile, basic research amounted to NT$74.6 billion, up 8.8 percent and taking an 8 percent share of the total R&D spending last year, but the ratio of basic research to overall R&D spending had fallen below 10 percent for 10 consecutive years. Taiwan’s efforts in this area still underperform other major economies.
If only a small portion of the nation’s overall science and technology spending goes toward fundamental research, which helps lay the foundation for technological innovation and industrial transformation, Taiwan’s competitiveness could be undermined in the long term. As firms are increasingly focusing on technological development, the government must step in and earmark more public sector resources for basic research and encourage higher education institutions to intensify their investment in this area.
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
As the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) races toward its 2027 modernization goals, most analysts fixate on ship counts, missile ranges and artificial intelligence. Those metrics matter — but they obscure a deeper vulnerability. The true future of the PLA, and by extension Taiwan’s security, might hinge less on hardware than on whether the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can preserve ideological loyalty inside its own armed forces. Iran’s 1979 revolution demonstrated how even a technologically advanced military can collapse when the social environment surrounding it shifts. That lesson has renewed relevance as fresh unrest shakes Iran today — and it should
On today’s page, Masahiro Matsumura, a professor of international politics and national security at St Andrew’s University in Osaka, questions the viability and advisability of the government’s proposed “T-Dome” missile defense system. Matsumura writes that Taiwan’s military budget would be better allocated elsewhere, and cautions against the temptation to allow politics to trump strategic sense. What he does not do is question whether Taiwan needs to increase its defense capabilities. “Given the accelerating pace of Beijing’s military buildup and political coercion ... [Taiwan] cannot afford inaction,” he writes. A rational, robust debate over the specifics, not the scale or the necessity,