Roughly 40 percent of the world’s population inhabit coastal areas. In addition to being home to 12 of the world’s 15 largest cities, these regions serve as an essential lifeline for countless small villages and towns. With around 80 percent of international trade passing through seaports, coastal regions also play an outsize economic role, accounting for 60 percent to 70 percent of global GDP.
With global temperatures rising at an alarming rate, coastal communities find themselves on the front lines of the climate and biodiversity crises. In the past year alone, Hurricanes Beryl, Helene and Milton battered the Caribbean and the US Gulf Coast, while Storm Daniel claimed thousands of lives in Libya, underscoring the growing vulnerability of those living along the world’s shorelines.
As the climate crisis escalates, so do the threats posed by rising sea levels and an acidifying, warming ocean. These dangers are compounded by habitat destruction, overfishing, and pollution, which erode the health and biodiversity of marine ecosystems. The resulting loss of mangroves and coral reefs is expected to cause enormous economic losses and displace numerous coastal communities, particularly in small island developing states where every aspect of life is linked to the sea.
Given the stakes, strengthening the resilience of coastal communities, and protecting their inhabitants’ lives, livelihoods and economies, is not just a regional or national priority but a global imperative. Meeting it would require a coordinated effort by the public and private sectors, particularly financial institutions capable of generating the investments necessary to support sustainable, long-term solutions.
To this end, the UN Biodiversity Conference is exploring ways to advance the 2022 Global Biodiversity Framework, which aims to protect 30 percent of all land and ocean areas by 2030. The upcoming UN Climate Change Conference (COP29) in Azerbaijan would focus on financing solutions. Next year’s UN Ocean Conference, along with the inaugural Blue Economy and Finance Forum, could help catalyze the urgent, coordinated action needed to safeguard our planet’s most vulnerable ecosystems.
Encouragingly, private financial institutions are also starting to recognize the need to bolster climate resilience. An astounding US$1 trillion in green, social and sustainability-linked bonds were issued last year, reflecting investors’ growing interest in projects aligned with the UN Sustainable Development Goals. However, investment in ocean regeneration and coastal resilience remains well below the hundreds of billions of dollars required annually to protect vulnerable communities and cities.
While closing this funding gap is crucial, engaging with local communities is equally important. By incorporating indigenous peoples’ perspectives, policymakers could craft measures that protect nature, promote sustainable development and ensure that investments in infrastructure and community resilience are equitable and effective.
Cross-sector partnerships would be key to building a pipeline of investable projects. The Ocean Risk and Resilience Action Alliance (ORRAA), where I serve as executive director, seeks to mobilize financing for ocean resilience. By working with committed partners, we aim to equip bankers and insurers with the tools to account for the value of natural assets on their balance sheets while harnessing the ingenuity and entrepreneurial spirit of local leaders, many of whom are women.
To be sure, there is much more to be done. To build truly resilient coastal communities, climate risks must be factored into every infrastructure project, policy proposal, and investment decision that affects climate-vulnerable regions. Moreover, by promoting nature-based solutions, such as the restoration of mangroves and coral reefs, policymakers could bolster natural defenses against storms and erosion while supporting biodiversity and local economies. Initiatives like the Coastal Risk Index — an interactive platform that leverages data to help investors, insurers and policymakers assess coastal risks — would be vital to this effort.
Given that public financing alone cannot generate the capital needed to protect coastal communities, greater public-private cooperation would be essential to close the current funding gap. This would require developing innovative financial instruments to reduce risk and incentivize private-sector participation. With this in mind, ORRAA has partnered with the Development Guarantee Group, a guarantor backing climate adaptation and mitigation projects, to create a mechanism aimed at derisking sustainable investments in “blue economy” sectors.
Next year’s UN Ocean Conference in France and the Blue Economy and Finance Forum in Monaco present a rare opportunity to unite these various efforts. By bringing together business leaders and policymakers, these gatherings could unlock large-scale financing for ocean conservation and resilience, ensuring that coastal communities benefit from a comprehensive, sustainable approach to the complex challenges posed by the climate crisis.
However, to seize this opportunity, investors, policymakers and local leaders must align their efforts. Through decisive, coordinated climate action, we could direct targeted investments toward ocean resilience and secure a sustainable future for coastal communities — and for the global economy that relies on them.
Karen Sack is executive director of the Ocean Risk and Resilience Action Alliance.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
“History does not repeat itself, but it rhymes” (attributed to Mark Twain). The USSR was the international bully during the Cold War as it sought to make the world safe for Soviet-style Communism. China is now the global bully as it applies economic power and invests in Mao’s (毛澤東) magic weapons (the People’s Liberation Army [PLA], the United Front Work Department, and the Chinese Communist Party [CCP]) to achieve world domination. Freedom-loving countries must respond to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), especially in the Indo-Pacific (IP), as resolutely as they did against the USSR. In 1954, the US and its allies
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in China yesterday, where he is to attend a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and Russian President Vladimir Putin today. As this coincides with the 50 percent US tariff levied on Indian products, some Western news media have suggested that Modi is moving away from the US, and into the arms of China and Russia. Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation fellow Sana Hashmi in a Taipei Times article published yesterday titled “Myths around Modi’s China visit” said that those analyses have misrepresented India’s strategic calculations, and attempted to view
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) stood in front of the Potala Palace in Lhasa on Thursday last week, flanked by Chinese flags, synchronized schoolchildren and armed Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) troops, he was not just celebrating the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the “Tibet Autonomous Region,” he was making a calculated declaration: Tibet is China. It always has been. Case closed. Except it has not. The case remains wide open — not just in the hearts of Tibetans, but in history records. For decades, Beijing has insisted that Tibet has “always been part of China.” It is a phrase