Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear.
In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.”
That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald.
The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under international law, the article says. The interesting point is that this appears to be a recent change.
Denmark’s new practice of registering Taiwanese as Chinese illustrates how exposed and vulnerable Taiwan is to the seemingly mundane policies of other countries. These procedures are implemented even though they risk following a Chinese “salami-slicing” tactic whereby the nuanced “one China” policies of different nations slowly line up with Beijing’s “one China” principle.
The key difference between the Chinese “principle” and nation’s “policies” is that the former says that Taiwan is a part of China, while that is not the case for the policies implemented by countries around the world.
Much like Denmark, Norway registers Taiwanese as Chinese. In Norway, Taiwanese still have all the formal rights they previously enjoyed, and then the question is whether nationality is just an emotional want. The argument might go that Taiwanese might be listed as “Chinese,” but they are still treated as Taiwanese. In Denmark as well, Taiwanese appear to keep all of the rights that they previously had.
However, upholding formal rights does not excuse a policy that undermines the self-determination for the 24 million people of Taiwan.
Denmark’s actual “one China” policy simply states that it recognizes China and not Taiwan. Therefore, Denmark does not have diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Nevertheless, it maintains and develops economic and cultural relations with Taiwan. The current interpretation of this policy is that Taiwan is not considered a part of China.
By registering Taiwanese as Chinese, this previous interpretation might have changed. It is not only civil registrations that reveal Denmark’s casual mindset.
The Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs Web site says that in China, Denmark maintains representation in Beijing, Guangzhou, Shanghai and Taipei.
Denmark is known internationally for its ethical foreign policies and strong stances on human rights. This can now be questioned. The risk is that other EU countries would adopt similar policies and create long-term problems for Taiwan and its 24 million citizens to freely determine their future. Taiwan cannot fight China alone.
We live in a time in history when everyone needs to take sides on questions of democracy and human rights. Denmark is strong in its opposition to Russia as demonstrated by impressive support for Ukraine, but are its values equally robust when it comes to China?
Michael Danielsen is chairman of Taiwan Corner.
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
For Taiwan, the ongoing US and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets are a warning signal: When a major power stretches the boundaries of self-defense, smaller states feel the tremors first. Taiwan’s security rests on two pillars: US deterrence and the credibility of international law. The first deters coercion from China. The second legitimizes Taiwan’s place in the international community. One is material. The other is moral. Both are indispensable. Under the UN Charter, force is lawful only in response to an armed attack or with UN Security Council authorization. Even pre-emptive self-defense — long debated — requires a demonstrably imminent
Since being re-elected, US President Donald Trump has consistently taken concrete action to counter China and to safeguard the interests of the US and other democratic nations. The attacks on Iran, the earlier capture of deposed of Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and efforts to remove Chinese influence from the Panama Canal all demonstrate that, as tensions with Beijing intensify, Washington has adopted a hardline stance aimed at weakening its power. Iran and Venezuela are important allies and major oil suppliers of China, and the US has effectively decapitated both. The US has continuously strengthened its military presence in the Philippines. Japanese Prime
After “Operation Absolute Resolve” to capture former Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro, the US joined Israel on Saturday last week in launching “Operation Epic Fury” to remove Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his theocratic regime leadership team. The two blitzes are widely believed to be a prelude to US President Donald Trump changing the geopolitical landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, targeting China’s rise. In the National Security Strategic report released in December last year, the Trump administration made it clear that the US would focus on “restoring American pre-eminence in the Western hemisphere,” and “competing with China economically and militarily