Two days after Taiwanese ignored Beijing’s threats and elected William Lai (賴清德) as president, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in an article published in the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Qiushi journal on Monday last week urged the party to do a better job winning the hearts of Taiwanese.
Xi outlined a strategy for the country’s “united front” tactics, saying that China must “develop and strengthen the patriotic, pro-unification forces in Taiwan, oppose the separatist acts of Taiwan independence and promote the complete reunification of the motherland.” He urged the CCP to redouble efforts to “stoke national awareness and patriotism” among Taiwanese.
However, Chinese authorities obviously failed to win over or pressure Taiwanese into voting for pro-China candidates on Jan. 13. The usual carrot-and-stick tactics — including military drills, and diplomatic and economic coercion — did not work.
Lai’s victory was not only a blunt rejection of China’s coercive tactics and unprecedented electoral interference, it was also a rejection of the so-called “1992 consensus,” the “one China principle” and the “one country, two systems” model.
On Monday last week, the US Pew Research Center published a survey which showed that more than two-thirds of Taiwanese see themselves as primarily Taiwanese, with only 3 percent calling themselves primarily Chinese, 1 percentage point lower than in a 2022 survey. Although many in Taiwan welcome trade with China, few support closer political ties, the survey showed.
A post-election poll conducted by the Taiwan Public Opinion Foundation echoed this trend, with more than 76 percent identifying as solely Taiwanese, while only 7 percent considered themselves to be Chinese.
A majority supported Lai’s objection to the “1992 consensus,” while 69 percent said they were not worried that his election victory would cause China to expedite any potential invasion plans.
The sophistry of calling the election a choice between “war and peace” failed.
Xi and the CCP should learn the lesson. Intimidation campaigns backfire, as they stir Taiwanese resentment toward the authoritarian power in Beijing, bolster Taiwanese identity and solidify support for a democratic, free and de facto independent Taiwan.
China should face the reality that a cross-strait conflict would be a costly catastrophe, especially amid its domestic economic decline and internal political turmoil. A Beijing-initiated change of the “status quo” in the Taiwan Strait would lead to international sanctions and rejection, which would be the opposite of its plans to resume international engagements and de-escalate tensions with the US.
A Center for Strategic and International Studies report this week said that a poll of US and Taiwanese experts bolstered the view that China is likely incapable of launching a military invasion of Taiwan in the next five years, although there was still concern over its ability to isolate the nation.
Lai has expressed goodwill, vowing to maintain the “status quo” in the Taiwan Strait and working toward resuming cross-strait dialogue.
If Xi really wants to win the hearts and minds of Taiwanese, he should hold back on the “wolf warrior” tactics and restart friendly communications with Taipei.
In the US’ National Security Strategy (NSS) report released last month, US President Donald Trump offered his interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. The “Trump Corollary,” presented on page 15, is a distinctly aggressive rebranding of the more than 200-year-old foreign policy position. Beyond reasserting the sovereignty of the western hemisphere against foreign intervention, the document centers on energy and strategic assets, and attempts to redraw the map of the geopolitical landscape more broadly. It is clear that Trump no longer sees the western hemisphere as a peaceful backyard, but rather as the frontier of a new Cold War. In particular,
When it became clear that the world was entering a new era with a radical change in the US’ global stance in US President Donald Trump’s second term, many in Taiwan were concerned about what this meant for the nation’s defense against China. Instability and disruption are dangerous. Chaos introduces unknowns. There was a sense that the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) might have a point with its tendency not to trust the US. The world order is certainly changing, but concerns about the implications for Taiwan of this disruption left many blind to how the same forces might also weaken
As the new year dawns, Taiwan faces a range of external uncertainties that could impact the safety and prosperity of its people and reverberate in its politics. Here are a few key questions that could spill over into Taiwan in the year ahead. WILL THE AI BUBBLE POP? The global AI boom supported Taiwan’s significant economic expansion in 2025. Taiwan’s economy grew over 7 percent and set records for exports, imports, and trade surplus. There is a brewing debate among investors about whether the AI boom will carry forward into 2026. Skeptics warn that AI-led global equity markets are overvalued and overleveraged
Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi on Monday announced that she would dissolve parliament on Friday. Although the snap election on Feb. 8 might appear to be a domestic affair, it would have real implications for Taiwan and regional security. Whether the Takaichi-led coalition can advance a stronger security policy lies in not just gaining enough seats in parliament to pass legislation, but also in a public mandate to push forward reforms to upgrade the Japanese military. As one of Taiwan’s closest neighbors, a boost in Japan’s defense capabilities would serve as a strong deterrent to China in acting unilaterally in the