The primary purpose of the military’s annual Han Kuang exercises is to test the nation’s defenses against an amphibious invasion by China, which is predicated on the assumption that Taiwan proper would be the primary theater of operations. The tri-service air defense, maritime interception and land defense exercises are the largest military exercises held by Taiwan’s armed forces.
While the exercises conform with Taiwan’s strategic defense goals in respect of conventional combat operations, the Ministry of National Defense needs to reassess whether the Han Kuang exercises adequately prepare the military to respond to new threats in an era of “gray zone” operations, particularly when directed against the outlying islands.
On Feb. 5, a Chinese Harbin Y-12 light civilian transport aircraft flew close to the controlled airspace of Dongyin Island (東引), a small militarized island in the Matsu (馬祖) archipelago. Because the ministry did not provide a clear account of the events in the first instance, many observers had misgivings over the incident.
Ten days after the incident, the ministry acknowledged that the intruder was a Chinese civilian aircraft, and said it could not rule out that the aircraft might have been used by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Air Force to test the island’s emergency response measures.
In October 2020, a PLA uncrewed aerial vehicle (UAV) intruded into Taiwan’s southwestern air defense identification zone (ADIZ) for the first time. The military responded by tracking the UAV with radar and deploying air defense missile systems.
The Coast Guard Administration in April last year revealed that a PLA drone had flown several circuits around the Taiwan-controlled Pratas Islands (Dongsha Islands, 東沙群島). The agency did not rule out that the UAV could have been used to conduct reconnaissance and intelligence gathering.
These incidents demonstrate that China is using “gray zone” operations as a tactic to deliberately provoke Taiwan and expand its military’s footprint.
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies professor Yoshiyuki Ogasawara, a specialist on Taiwan, wrote in Newsweek in February last year that the probability of a Chinese attack on Taiwan remains low, mainly because it would meet military resistance from Taiwan and the US, and face a global surge of anti-China sentiment.
However, Ogasawara also said that taking the Pratas Islands would be one of the PLA’s first objectives during an invasion. Furthermore, due to their small size, remote location and as a garrison for about 500 soldiers, it would take some time for the military to provide emergency reinforcements, he said.
The PLA in the past few years has practiced amphibious landings and simulated the capturing of outlying islands in the South China Sea. These exercises have severely tested the existing defense arrangements on Itu Aba Island (Taiping Island, 太平島), the Pratas Islands and other Taiwanese-controlled outlying islands.
The PLA’s strategy is transparent. It would first normalizes these types of drills in waters near Taiwan’s outlying islands before conducting “gray zone” operations to provoke a conflict that saps the morale of Taiwanese forces. Then the PLA would declare an air and maritime exclusion zone, and cut off supply lines of Taiwanese forces stationed on one or more of the islands. The PLA would then conduct an amphibious operation to capture one or more islands and use the victory to force Taipei to enter into political negotiations.
Whether PLA or Chinese civilian aircraft, any incursion into Taiwanese-controlled airspace is not just an infringement of Taiwanese sovereignty, but also a threat to the security of residents living on the islands. To meet the challenge of the PLA’s new form of hybrid warfare, which combines “gray zone” tactics with cognitive warfare, the ministry must implement a few measures.
First, it must revise the military’s standard operating procedures for peacetime emergency response. Second, it must reassess and revise its annual Han Kuang exercises, as well as its “Gu’an” all-island combat strategy for the defense of Taiwan proper, along with Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu islands. Third, the review must include a new strategy to deal with military scenarios generated by PLA “gray zone” tactics and the defense of smaller offshore islands, such as the Pratas and Itu Aba.
Yao Chung-yuan is a professor and former deputy director of the Ministry of National Defense’s strategic planning department.
Translated by Edward Jones
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) recent visit to Beijing and her upcoming visit to Washington will serve as a high-level test of her diplomatic mettle. In Beijing, Cheng was received with symbolic gestures, a warm reception, and high-level access. In Washington, she will receive far less pomp and far sharper questions about the KMT’s vision for the future of Taiwan. Her challenge will be to persuade Washington that the KMT’s engagement with China can coexist with strong deterrence. Cheng’s April 7-12 visit to mainland China coincided with an intense period of conflict in Iran. Despite the strategic significance of Cheng’s trip,
The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has sent the vast Asian chemicals industry into a tailspin. Deprived of the likes of Qatari natural gas and Saudi Arabian oil, the region’s fertilizer and plastics plants are slowing production or even shutting down. Everywhere except China, that is. In petrochemicals, China is unique. As well as a traditional industry that uses oil and gas as feedstock, it has parallel output that relies on its abundant domestic coal. Unsurprisingly, India and other regional powers want to copy and paste the Chinese method. This would not be easy — or climate friendly. The
Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto says he knows how to fix the problems facing Indonesia. Yet his economic mismanagement and authoritarian tendencies are steering the nation toward a familiar mix of currency instability and political chaos. The world’s fourth-most populous nation risks reversing the hard-won democratic and business reforms that came after the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. At that time, the rupiah collapsed and the political upheaval that followed forced former president Haji Mohamed Suharto from power. Prabowo’s administration is ignoring similar warning signs. That disconnect was apparent in a national address on Wednesday, when Prabowo projected the swagger that has