Rapid advances over the past few years in the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) Rocket Force have expanded the power projection capability of its guided missile force, meaning that if a war were to break out with China, all of Taiwan’s airbases, ports, radar stations and military command centers would come under a devastating, sustained attack by PLA missiles.
After having been pulverized by wave after wave of PLA guided missiles, the military would probably no longer be capable of mustering a robust aerial counterattack.
LOW-COST SOLUTION
Given the elevated threat from the PLA’s Rocket Force, in addition to purchasing new types of fighter jets, the government should consider converting commercial container ships into missile platforms to provide an additional defense against PLA missiles.
Due to the relatively low production cost of container ships and the broadly non-sensitive nature of the equipment that would need to be installed, the government could require a specific number of container ships to be converted for military use, equipping them with the capability to carry anti-aircraft and cruise missiles.
These ships could be used in “hit-and-run” attacks against the enemy, which would help to increase the military’s ability to survive on the battlefield.
Equipping container ships would have several advantages:
First, container ships are relatively easily to conceal. In a wartime situation, either side would focus their attention on neutralizing the threat from military vessels.
As civilian container ships are more difficult for militaries to identify than navy warships, when loaded with missiles, they would become a lethal weapon to defend against an attacking Chinese military.
Second, the PLA would have difficulty detecting whether a converted container ship was carrying missiles, giving them a higher chance of survival than military surface ships.
LONG-RANGE STRIKE
If Taiwan could fit out about four to eight container ships of differing sizes and types to carry the domestically manufactured Hsiung Feng IIE cruise missiles and deploy them in coastal waters off the north, south and east of Taiwan proper, the military would be equipped with a potent long-range strike capability.
Third, if the military could increase the number of guided missile launch platforms, this would force China to divert more resources toward bolstering its own defensive capabilities.
During a wartime scenario, the PLA would need to provide its attacking forces more defensive assets for cover and surveillance to counter the threat from Taiwanese missiles.
This would slow down the attack, giving the military more time to redeploy its forces around Taiwan and buying more time for the outside world to come to its aid.
Finally, missile-equipped container ships would function as an additional layer of defense within Taiwan’s multilayered strategic deterrent force and bring into play a genuine asymmetric warfare capability.
From a practical standpoint, Israel Aerospace Industries has successfully tested its LORA (long range attack) hypersonic, quasi-ballistic missile, which can be launched from a standard intermodal shipping container.
Years ago, Israel incorporated asymmetric warfare into its defense strategy. Taiwan’s government and military no longer have any excuse.
Ray Song is a graduate of National Chung Cheng University’s Institute of Strategic and International Affairs.
Translated by Edward Jones
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had
Minister of Foreign Affairs Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) last week made a rare visit to the Philippines, which not only deepened bilateral economic ties, but also signaled a diplomatic breakthrough in the face of growing tensions with China. Lin’s trip marks the second-known visit by a Taiwanese foreign minister since Manila and Beijing established diplomatic ties in 1975; then-minister Chang Hsiao-yen (章孝嚴) took a “vacation” in the Philippines in 1997. As Taiwan is one of the Philippines’ top 10 economic partners, Lin visited Manila and other cities to promote the Taiwan-Philippines Economic Corridor, with an eye to connecting it with the Luzon
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several