When asked how Taiwan should deal with future cross-strait politics and economics, some commentators argue that given China’s formidable rise thanks to its powerful trade and economy, Taiwan should adopt a more open and integrated approach toward China to benefit from the process.
However, such a vague and conceptual understanding of the Chinese economy may cause the government to misjudge the priorities for its international and cross-strait economic policies.
Since the 1990s, China has risen rapidly to become a major economic power, but a closer look at the its economic development and, to a greater degree, the operations of the Asia-Pacific economic system reveals an inherent weakness — a heavy dependence on exports and the US market. US Nobel laureate in economics Paul Krugman, Morgan Stanley Asia chairman Stephen Roach and World Bank chief economist Justin Lin (林毅夫) and Chinese economist Shen Minggao (沈明高) have all expressed similar concerns.
The Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s revealed the structural weakness of the East Asian economies, which competed for export markets by depreciating their currencies. These East Asian nations, including China, have since come to realize that relying on exports to the US to spur economic growth has its limitations and have therefore started to adopt strategies to boost domestic demand in the hope of balancing the risks of excessive dependence on exports.
Ten years have passed, but China and other Asian nations are even more reliant on exports to drive economic growth. Looking at the Asian economies as a whole, exports’ share of GDP has risen to 45 percent — up from 35 percent a decade ago. China, for one, draws more than 50 percent of its growth from exports, with the US being its biggest market.
China remains vulnerable in its dependence on exports and the US market to augment its economic growth. This means that a decline in US consumption demand or implementation of trade barriers and sanctions by the US government would lead to a drastic drop in Chinese exports and have a large impact on the entire Chinese economy.
The current global financial storm, which has affected Chinese exports, has prompted Beijing to adopt a 4 trillion yuan (US$585 billion) economic stimulus package in an attempt to revive its economy. This reflects the vulnerability of the Chinese economic growth model.
Given that the US and the EU are still the major end markets, Taiwan should not focus its efforts on how to integrate more closely with the Chinese production chain to stay cost-competitive. Instead, it should pay attention to new policies and industrial changes being implemented by the governments in the EU and the US amid the financial crisis. Both the Taiwanese government and businesses should focus their efforts on improving local industrial technologies and enhancing the global competitiveness and added value of Taiwanese products.
Lu Chun-wei is a research fellow at Taiwan Thinktank.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
A failure by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to respond to Israel’s brilliant 12-day (June 12-23) bombing and special operations war against Iran, topped by US President Donald Trump’s ordering the June 21 bombing of Iranian deep underground nuclear weapons fuel processing sites, has been noted by some as demonstrating a profound lack of resolve, even “impotence,” by China. However, this would be a dangerous underestimation of CCP ambitions and its broader and more profound military response to the Trump Administration — a challenge that includes an acceleration of its strategies to assist nuclear proxy states, and developing a wide array
Twenty-four Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers are facing recall votes on Saturday, prompting nearly all KMT officials and lawmakers to rally their supporters over the past weekend, urging them to vote “no” in a bid to retain their seats and preserve the KMT’s majority in the Legislative Yuan. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which had largely kept its distance from the civic recall campaigns, earlier this month instructed its officials and staff to support the recall groups in a final push to protect the nation. The justification for the recalls has increasingly been framed as a “resistance” movement against China and
Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), former chairman of Broadcasting Corp of China and leader of the “blue fighters,” recently announced that he had canned his trip to east Africa, and he would stay in Taiwan for the recall vote on Saturday. He added that he hoped “his friends in the blue camp would follow his lead.” His statement is quite interesting for a few reasons. Jaw had been criticized following media reports that he would be traveling in east Africa during the recall vote. While he decided to stay in Taiwan after drawing a lot of flak, his hesitation says it all: If
Saturday is the day of the first batch of recall votes primarily targeting lawmakers of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). The scale of the recall drive far outstrips the expectations from when the idea was mooted in January by Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus whip Ker Chien-ming (柯建銘). The mass recall effort is reminiscent of the Sunflower movement protests against the then-KMT government’s non-transparent attempts to push through a controversial cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014. That movement, initiated by students, civic groups and non-governmental organizations, included student-led protesters occupying the main legislative chamber for three weeks. The two movements are linked