Thu, Aug 14, 2003 page8

• Purple in the political spectrum

  • By Shen Fu-hsiung 沈富雄
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  Confucius said, "I hate the manner in which purple takes away the luster of red." If one rules out the color red because of its communist associations but insists on a welfare society with socialist characteristics, then one is left with only purple.

  The recently launched Pan-Purple Alliance has yet to take a final form. Analyzing the situation on the basis of current political trends, we can predict that one of the three following possibilities will ultimately come to pass.

  One, in addition to the two major forces of the blue and green camps, a third political force will arise. If its political program includes analysis from the production/distribution side of the spectrum, it will constitute a left-wing party. Such a development would be welcome as a healthy and mature movement away from the bipolar opposition between the unification and independence camps.

  Two, the alliance will merely put one foot in next year's presidential election race in a manner similar to the campaign of US businessman Ross Perot and then disappear after the election. Since the underprivileged groups represented by the purple camp have traditionally been supporters of the DPP, it would be A-bian's (阿扁) nightmare to see them field a third-party candidate in the presidential race.

  Three, prior to the election, the purple alliance will form a pressure group to influence the platforms of the blue and green camps. After it has achieved its goals, it will then decline to formally put forth a candidate. Such an outcome would mean just a momentary fright for the DPP and would not amount to a real threat.

  There has been no real left-wing faction in Taiwan's political parties up to now. One could even say Taiwan is a "right-wing nation." Since democratization, the words and actions of each party and individual political figures, as well as the economic behavior and political orientation of the citizenry, have shown that Taiwan only has parties of the right wing and the extreme right wing. There is no truly influential left-wing faction.

  A number of index events prove this point.

  First, the workweek case: Both the DPP and the KMT have vacillated in their positions on the appropriate length of the workweek. In fact, both have made garnering votes their primary consideration. They have not approached the problem by considering the rights of the labor force or the economy.

  Second, the national pension scheme: Irrespective of party origin, the versions put forth lack measures for "income redistribution." The monthly distributions are all in proportion to an individual's annual salary and average premium payments. The only exception is the version presented by labor groups through the auspices of PFP Legislator Lin Hui-kuan (林惠官).

  Third, low taxes: Government tax revenue amounts to only 13 percent of the GDP. Members of the Organization of Economic Community Development generally have far higher tax rates. Taiwan's figure even falls short of other developing nations.

  Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the Pan-Purple Alliance is a real left-wing party relative to the green and blue camps. The answer will depend on what policies they advocate.

  According to the superficial accounts that have appeared in the newspapers, the three proposals it has made so far lead me to believe they are at most a moderate, left-of-center faction.

  The national-pension scheme is one link in the social security system. How much socialist left-wing thought it contains will depend on the actual content of the plan.

  The proposal to oppose financial conglomerates is too general and vague. I have seen no in-depth discussion of how to find a balance between "reducing disparities of wealth" and "stimulating investment."

  Constructing a social security system is a necessity for a modern country. At present the ruling and opposition parties advocate the same policies. How left wing these policies are remains to be seen.

  To judge the degree to which the Pan-Purple Alliance leans to the left, I believe we might as well look at the concrete details of the national-pension scheme, which is now being pushed by the ruling and opposition parties. This scheme can serve as an index case.

  What percentage of one's original income will the pension replace: 40 percent, 60 percent or 70 percent? What will be the ratio of premium payments made by workers to payments made by their employers: two to eight, three to seven or four to six? Will they insist on already outdated "intergenerational transfer?" Will the full monthly annuity be four, five, six, or 10 times the premium payment? Will there be mechanisms for "income redistribution?" How will citizens with no fixed employer or no fixed income be incorporated into the system?

  The Pan-Purple Alliance obviously reflects extreme dissatisfaction with the political status quo in which parties grab for votes to win power, overplay the unification/independence issue, make welfare campaign promises that they can't keep and fail to sincerely look after underprivileged groups in society. Although these voices from the grassroots are moderate in tone, they are nevertheless quite powerful.

  And for each party, they are tantamount to a warning that once the underprivileged groups they usually patronize manage to unify and form a single political party, there will be a reshuffling of Taiwan's political world. In response, each party should adopt an attitude of "sincere self-evaluation," "honestly facing the issues" and "determining a position." At the same time, they should not use guile to cheat people out of their votes.

  When the Pan-Purple Alliance indicates its positions on each of the above issues and each party has considered its platform, ideals, policies and probability of voter support, then one of the following courses of action for the pan-greens can be selected.

  First, positions can remain unchanged, in which case they need only step-up policy implementation work.

  Second, policies can be partially revised toward the left and made more tolerant in order to form an alliance with the purple camp.

  Third, if the other alternatives are unacceptable, it will be necessary to move toward the center or the right and accept the fact that left-wing voters will be drawn to the Pan-Purple Alliance.

  If the ruling and oppositions parties can view the rise of the Pan-Purple Alliance as a warning, then regardless of whether the alliance finally takes shape or not, it will have helped all the parties to review their basic social-welfare policies and no longer speak in a way that is inconsistent with their actions.

  Shen Fu-hsiung is a DPP legislator.

  Translated by Ethan Harkness
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