Tue, Aug 07, 2001 page8

• An 'epoch-making' 16th congress

  • By Joseph Wu 吳釗燮
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  The KMT has concluded its "epoch-making" 16th party congress during which it decided policy outlines, elected central committee members and the central standing committee, and implemented structural changes. This was a crucial milestone in the KMT's new beginning after its defeat in the presidential election and consequent loss of power.

  Even though the KMT needs to develop further, and still has many problems, at least we saw it making an effort to use the 16th national congress to revive its sagging image.

  The KMT truly does find itself in a very problematic period. Its former chairman, Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), is enough of a problem for the party, quite apart from its efforts to put the bitter presidential election defeat behind it. It is understandable that Chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and his entourage feel the urge to establish a true Lien Chan era, and an unavoidable result seems to be the need to clearly differentiate him from Lee.

  But regardless of whether this is done through criticism of Lee, requests for his expulsion from the party, severe criticism of the "state-to-state" dictum or even consideration of whether to write the confederation model for integration with China into the KMT party charter, it may bring even more developmental restraints and problems, and must therefore be dealt with in a watered down way by the congress.

  The apprehension of dealing with Lee really stems directly from the insecurity of the person who occupies the top position on the power ladder. This kind of psychological obstacle must be overcome, or the KMT will continue to push its members into the enemy camp.

  The greatest external challenge to the KMT seems to be the question of whether to treat the People First Party as a strategic ally or as a strategic competitor. It looks as if Lien has already made his mind up, but if the KMT were to examine the experience of cooperation and the popular response thereto over the past year, it would receive a shock.

  In considering its long-term interests, the KMT must further evaluate the overall strategic landscape, position itself for two critical battles, and break out of the illusion of "cooperation" with the PFP.

  The first of these battles will be to become part of a coalition cabinet after the legislative elections and regain at least some of the ministerial positions within the executive. The second will be about the timing and method by which the KMT grooms a new leader to return political power to the KMT in the 2004 presidential election.

  The 16th national congress was an opportunity for the KMT to start over again and, in order to do so, it still needs to consider, plan and decide its long-term strategies.

  No matter whether it's a ruling party or an opposition party, a strong, powerful party representing a better future is necessary for the healthy development of democracy in Taiwan.

  Apart from those hoping that the KMT will collapse instantly never to stand up again, I believe that most people in Taiwan would be glad to see a KMT rising out of the ashes of political defeat to become a shining phoenix. Whether it will manage to do so, however, will depend on whether the KMT's top leadership draws lessons from the past and engages in self reflection -- and deep self-reflection at that -- instead of discussing others and blaming others in the belief that if it can free itself of responsibility, then everything will be OK.

  The 16th national congress was a good opportunity for the KMT to show people that it has the capacity for self reflection. It was also the party's last opportunity to do so before the year-end elections.

  If the KMT wants to engage in deep self-reflection and rise from the ashes of recent defeats, it must understand what people dislike most about it. Black gold, factionalism, vote-buying, the huge amount of party property and a Leninist power structure are all heavy burdens carried by the KMT. In the short term, making inroads into these problems may be harmful to the KMT, but that is nevertheless the road that has to be taken for the party to achieve reform.

  The general population should be able to understand that these structural problems are the most difficult to change -- the party has not yet put party property under trust a year after promising to do so; it has not made the slightest attempt to get rid of local criminal factions even though there are regulations to eliminate criminal behavior; candidates for election to the 16th central committee still gave gifts and bought votes; the party still retains a huge central committee; and elections to the committee remain "planned."

  The general population is still waiting to see whether or not the KMT will become a shining phoenix and how it will reform itself.

  Holding the 16th national congress in the middle of political and economic chaos that has gone on for several months truly presented the KMT with an opportunity to soar once again.

  "Solidarity and a new beginning, saving the economy and uniting ethnic groups" are perfectly positive political slogans, but, to most people, the important thing is to know that the KMT is actually going to put these prosaic positions into

  practice.

  For the KMT itself, the most important thing is how to face these great challenges, one after the other, in an unavoidable political procession.

  Joseph Wu is deputy director of the Institute of International Relations at National Chengchi University.

  Translated by Perry Svensson
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