On Friday, the anniversary of the 228 Massacre, Next Media Group founder Jimmy Lai (黎智英) was arrested by the Hong Kong police for taking part in an illegal assembly during the anti-government protests on Aug. 31 last year and for criminal intimidation at an event in 2017.
Two veteran democracy advocates, former Hong Kong legislators Yeung Sum (楊森) and Lee Cheuk-yan (李卓人) — who is also the former chairman of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic and Democratic Movements in China — were also arrested for illegal assembly.
Although Lai posted bail, the arrests sent shock waves through Hong Kong and raised eyebrows in Taiwan.
Especially concerning was the date the Hong Kong police appear to have chosen to make the arrests. Although it is unclear whether they were aware of the significance of that date in Taiwanese history, that they chose to round up well-known democracy figures on the anniversary of the 228 Massacre sends out a clear political signal, and should not be ignored.
Lai’s arrests itself is not so significant; the likelihood that the investigation is in its late stages is quite low. If the reason for the arrest is really, as they say, the Aug. 31 illegal assembly, why conflate it with the alleged intimidation of a reporter?
Perhaps the Hong Kong government wants to maximize the negative impact of Lai’s alleged crimes, and intends to sit on the case until such time as a good opportunity arises to proceed.
Chinese state media’s choice of words in reporting the arrests was very strong, branding the trio as belonging to “a treasonous Gang of Four bent on disrupting Hong Kong” and “agents of the US and the UK in Hong Kong,” using the same kind of language as was used during the peak of the protests last year.
The Chinese state media are acting in unison with Hong Kong police in what is clearly an attempt at intimidation.
The arrests came shortly after China sentenced Swedish national Gui Minhai (桂民海), one of the owners of the Causeway Bay Books bookstore in Hong Kong, to 10 years in prison.
Clearly, Beijing has entered a new stage of intimidation against Hong Kong. This has particularly been the case since Luo Huining (駱惠寧) was appointed head of China’s Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in Hong Kong.
Do people see his hand guiding a string of Hong Kong government initiatives, complying with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) “Four Consciousnesses”?
Are they now exploiting the slowdown of the pro-democracy protests amid the COVID-19 crisis to arrest the leaders of the democracy movement in Hong Kong and increase the level of intimidation?
To a certain extent, there is nothing really new about the Hong Kong police working in cahoots with the Chinese Communist Party.
It is just that carrying out these arrests on 228 gives Taiwanese even more reason to reflect on their history and remember the need for vigilance against allowing a return to authoritarianism.
The question is, is this a point that escaped Luo and Xi, or was it their intention to send out a warning of a “Hong Kong 228”?
This is something Hong Kongers and Taiwanese ought to think long and hard about.
Chen Kuan-fu is a graduate law student at National Taipei University.
Translated by Paul Cooper
Chinese state-owned companies COSCO Shipping Corporation and China Merchants have a 30 percent stake in Kaohsiung Port’s Kao Ming Container Terminal (Terminal No. 6) and COSCO leases Berths 65 and 66. It is extremely dangerous to allow Chinese companies or state-owned companies to operate critical infrastructure. Deterrence theorists are familiar with the concepts of deterrence “by punishment” and “by denial.” Deterrence by punishment threatens an aggressor with prohibitive costs (like retaliation or sanctions) that outweigh the benefits of their action, while deterrence by denial aims to make an attack so difficult that it becomes pointless. Elbridge Colby, currently serving as the Under
The Ministry of the Interior on Thursday last week said it ordered Internet service providers to block access to Chinese social media platform Xiaohongshu (小紅書, also known as RedNote in English) for a year, citing security risks and more than 1,700 alleged fraud cases on the platform since last year. The order took effect immediately, abruptly affecting more than 3 million users in Taiwan, and sparked discussions among politicians, online influencers and the public. The platform is often described as China’s version of Instagram or Pinterest, combining visual social media with e-commerce, and its users are predominantly young urban women,
Most Hong Kongers ignored the elections for its Legislative Council (LegCo) in 2021 and did so once again on Sunday. Unlike in 2021, moderate democrats who pledged their allegiance to Beijing were absent from the ballots this year. The electoral system overhaul is apparent revenge by Beijing for the democracy movement. On Sunday, the Hong Kong “patriots-only” election of the LegCo had a record-low turnout in the five geographical constituencies, with only 1.3 million people casting their ballots on the only seats that most Hong Kongers are eligible to vote for. Blank and invalid votes were up 50 percent from the previous
Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi lit a fuse the moment she declared that trouble for Taiwan means trouble for Japan. Beijing roared, Tokyo braced and like a plot twist nobody expected that early in the story, US President Donald Trump suddenly picked up the phone to talk to her. For a man who normally prefers to keep Asia guessing, the move itself was striking. What followed was even more intriguing. No one outside the room knows the exact phrasing, the tone or the diplomatic eyebrow raises exchanged, but the broad takeaway circulating among people familiar with the call was this: Trump did