On Wednesday last week, China successfully landed its Chang’e 4 spacecraft on the moon’s far side — an impressive technological accomplishment that speaks to China’s emergence as a major space power.
Understandably, some Chinese scientists are taking a victory lap, with one going so far as to gloat to the New York Times that: “We Chinese people have done something that the Americans have not dared try.”
That cockiness speaks to the spirit of great-power competition animating the Chinese space program. China is open about the fact that it is not merely looking to expand human knowledge and boundaries; it is hoping to supplant the US as the 21st century’s dominant space power.
Illustration: Mountain People
If this were still the 1960s, when the US and Soviet space agencies fiercely competed against one another, China’s deep pockets, focus and methodical approach to conquering the heavens might indeed win the day.
However, the truth is, thanks to the development of a dynamic, fast-moving US commercial space industry, China’s almost certain to be a runner-up for decades to come.
That does not mean the People’s Republic of China is not making progress in its attempts to colonize the moon and turn it into the outer space equivalent of its South China Sea outposts — an avowed goal of Ye Peijian (葉培建), head of China’s lunar program.
China is to launch a mission to bring back samples from the moon later this year. Over the next decade, it plans to launch a space station, a Mars probe, asteroid missions and a Jupiter probe, while continuing to develop reusable rockets and other vehicles that would enhance its access to space. A human mission to the moon is targeted for 2030 and a permanent colony by the middle of the century.
By contrast, NASA’s own ambitions seem limited. US astronauts have not left low-Earth orbit since the last Apollo moon landing in 1972, while the US lost the ability to fly to the taxpayer-funded International Space Station with the retirement of the space shuttle.
Too often, new US presidents have shifted space priorities, forcing NASA to cancel or reconfigure expensive missions that have been years in the planning. Worse, many members of US Congress still view NASA as a tool to deliver wasteful, pork-barrel spending to politically connected constituencies.
However, that hardly describes the entirety of the US space program. Since the mid-2000s, when Congress authorized the agency to begin cultivating public-private partnerships, NASA’s most important role has been as a seed investor and adviser to private space companies.
While Elon Musk’s Space Exploration Technologies Corp — or SpaceX — receives the bulk of attention, the commercial space industry now comprises dozens of firms in fields ranging from small satellites to lunar exploration.
The results have been spectacular: By NASA’s own estimates, the cost of SpaceX developing its workhorse Falcon 9 rocket was less than 10 percent of what it would have cost if NASA had done it.
NASA’s backing is paying dividends elsewhere, too. In coming weeks, SpaceX is to launch uncrewed orbital test flights of its Crew Dragon spacecraft — a capsule designed to deliver US astronauts to the International Space Station.
At least two other companies are looking to launch commercial space stations.
Jeff Bezos’ Blue Origin is planning an uncrewed moon landing by 2023 (in line with NASA’s lunar goals). Meanwhile, SpaceX is developing a larger rocket that is scheduled to take tourists around the moon that same year. And NASA, keen to encourage more lunar exploration, has announced a partnership with nine companies developing lunar landers, with the first missions set to launch as early as this year.
Of course, space exploration is not just about making money and colonizing the moon. Science, too, remains a motivation and there the US remains a global leader with a nearly insurmountable lead.
Last week, the New Horizons probe completed the most distant exploration in history (of a small rock 6.4 billion kilometers from Earth) and the OSIRIS-REx probe went into orbit around a small asteroid (that it is to sample next year).
NASA also has — among other missions — one ongoing mission at Jupiter and four at Mars, a solar probe and two spacecraft that have entered interstellar space.
Neither China nor any other country has plans to compete with this record of accomplishment, nor do they have the scientific or engineering experience to do so.
As long as the US remains focused on cultivating its commercial space industry and continuing to fund cutting-edge science programs, it has little reason to fear falling behind. Better yet, it has a much better chance to attract space scientists and other talent keen to profit from one of the 21st century’s most promising growth industries.
China, too, is not oblivious to the potential of commercial space — it is developing its own industry — but the persistent dominance of China’s state sector ensures that its entrepreneurs would spend as much time on politics as propulsion systems. If there is a new race to the stars, the US remains a good bet to win.
Saudi Arabian largesse is flooding Egypt’s cultural scene, but the reception is mixed. Some welcome new “cooperation” between two regional powerhouses, while others fear a hostile takeover by Riyadh. In Cairo, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, Egyptian Minister of Culture Nevine al-Kilany recently hosted Saudi Arabian General Entertainment Authority chairman Turki al-Sheikh. The deep-pocketed al-Sheikh has emerged as a Medici-like patron for Egypt’s cultural elite, courted by Cairo’s top talent to produce a slew of forthcoming films. A new three-way agreement between al-Sheikh, Kilany and United Media Services — a multi-media conglomerate linked to state intelligence that owns much of
The US and other countries should take concrete steps to confront the threats from Beijing to avoid war, US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart said in an interview with Voice of America on March 13. The US should use “every diplomatic economic tool at our disposal to treat China as what it is... to avoid war,” Diaz-Balart said. Giving an example of what the US could do, he said that it has to be more aggressive in its military sales to Taiwan. Actions by cross-party US lawmakers in the past few years such as meeting with Taiwanese officials in Washington and Taipei, and
The Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has no official diplomatic allies in the EU. With the exception of the Vatican, it has no official allies in Europe at all. This does not prevent the ROC — Taiwan — from having close relations with EU member states and other European countries. The exact nature of the relationship does bear revisiting, if only to clarify what is a very complicated and sensitive idea, the details of which leave considerable room for misunderstanding, misrepresentation and disagreement. Only this week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) received members of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations
Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear. In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.” That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald. The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under