The Ministry of Education has decided to not appoint Kuan Chung-ming (管中閔) as president of National Taiwan University (NTU). The decision has been met with strong disapproval from some of the lecturers and students at the university.
In addition to Kuan saying that he will try to resolve the issue in court, the university has said that it will appeal the ministry’s decision, while some students are preparing street demonstrations in support of Kuan.
The rationale behind all these actions is to uphold respect for “university autonomy.”
Since Taiwan is a free nation, Taiwanese have the right to have their own opinions and to make those opinions heard, so the actions of the NTU faculty and students should be treated with respect.
However, in addition to protesting to protect its rights and interests, the school should also consider what it should do to face up to the doubts and questions of the world outside of academia. If it does not, it will likely be difficult to put an end to the concerns and questions.
Considering the nomination process as a whole, the ministry did not interfere with the selection process in the early stages, and only started investigating the issue as a result of reports from NTU faculty and students.
In other words, it was people within the university who initiated the controversy over Kuan’s nomination, rather than the ministry interfering in the issue.
NTU’s Administrative Council has been unwilling to provide a straightforward response to the concerns among faculty and students, and has instead relied on procedural technicalities to shelve the issue. This has been perceived by observers as insufficiently straightforward and had a negative effect on the school’s image and the respect it commands.
Furthermore, the issue that has been most strongly criticized is that while Kuan has served as an independent member on the Taiwan Mobile board, the company’s vice chairman Richard Tsai (蔡明興) was a member of the NTU presidential nomination committee.
Leaving aside the issue of whether this contravenes conflict of interest regulations and focusing only on the views of observers, it is clear that such an arrangement is extremely inappropriate.
Since the situation so readily lends itself to conjecture, one wonders why the university has been trying to muddle through, doing nothing more than repeat that the situation does not contravene procedural principles.
Some of the NTU faculty and students have said that they are fighting for Kuan’s dignity, but it would seem appropriate that they should begin by engaging in some self-reflection and consider why people within the university and external observers have so many questions about the selection process.
Another question that must be asked is how the Administrative Council, the university’s highest democratic representative organization, can so pointedly ignore all the questions and concerns.
Although the school talks widely about the sacrosanct “university autonomy,” such a frivolous approach to the situation will not put public concern at rest and restore the school’s dignity.
Hsu Yu-fang is a professor in National Dong Hua University’s department of Sinophone literatures.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing
A group of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers led by the party’s legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (?) are to visit Beijing for four days this week, but some have questioned the timing and purpose of the visit, which demonstrates the KMT caucus’ increasing arrogance. Fu on Wednesday last week confirmed that following an invitation by Beijing, he would lead a group of lawmakers to China from Thursday to Sunday to discuss tourism and agricultural exports, but he refused to say whether they would meet with Chinese officials. That the visit is taking place during the legislative session and in the aftermath