Over the past week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) held a series of events to commemorate the 30th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death.
At an event held at the Taipei Hero House on Saturday, KMT Chairman Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) pledged to restore the nation to its “former glory under Chiang” by leading it to victory in the local elections in November and the presidential election in 2020.
“As we commemorate the 30th anniversary of Chiang’s passing, we feel the responsibility on our shoulders is more important than ever and the fire in our hearts is burning more fiercely than ever,” Wu said.
As the KMT has gone through difficult times of late — losing both the presidency and its majority in the legislature for the first time since it came to Taiwan in 1949 — it is perhaps understandable that the party’s top echelon would grow nostalgic for the days when ranking officials enjoyed the power and privileges of a one-party state.
Playing the “Chiang Ching-kuo card,” the party clearly hopes to shore up its support base among traditional pan-blue camp voters.
While all the KMT heavyweights have declared themselves Chiang’s disciples, with former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) most notably proclaiming that his presidency followed Chiang’s tenet of “making Taiwan the primary concern [of policies] and [establishing policies that] benefit Taiwanese,” their actions in past years have “betrayed” Chiang.
Chiang was known for his “three noes” policy — no contact, no negotiation and no compromise — when dealing with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Although he lifted a ban on veterans visiting China in 1987 — a catalyst for warmer cross-strait ties — his stance toward the communists remained stern.
By contrast, KMT party officials have been cozying up to China, from kowtowing to whatever Beijing says to acts tantamount to spreading CCP propaganda.
Wu and his ilk should be reminded that Chiang was the one who promoted the “localization” of the party. He carried out a policy known as Chui Tai Ching (吹台青) in the mid-1980s that recruited young Taiwanese to the KMT and local governments, which had been dominated by Mainlanders.
By contrast, the so-called “pro-localization” faction within the KMT has been greatly alienated since Ma’s chairmanship.
If Wu is serious in his praise of Chiang, he should follow Chiang’s path by expediting the localization of the party and working with the Democratic Progressive Party on consolidating the nation’s democratization.
It is understandable that a beleaguered KMT would pick itself up ahead of the local elections, but as Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) said, Chiang’s merits and vices both deserve mention. Hence, playing the Chiang Ching-kuo card is certainly not the right move to show Taiwanese that the KMT is turning over a new leaf.
Instead of referencing an authoritarian figure like Chiang to try to boost morale and garner party support, Wu would be well advised to strike a more down-to-earth chord with Taiwanese, particularly with young people who have grown up during the nation’s political democratization process and have no emotional attachment to Chiang.
Also on the suggestion list would be showing Taiwanese that the KMT under his leadership is making a genuine effort to strengthen its pro-localization consciousness and to realign itself with mainstream public opinion.
Only then will the KMT redeem itself in the eyes of the public and convince them that it has changed anew.
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