Taiwan appears to have successfully carried out its democratization and developed a Taiwanese identity. This is reflected in how parties other than the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) can be elected to rule. As it stands, if the KMT rejects desinicization, it will have no chance of a comeback.
Culturally, however, Taiwanese find themselves mired in the remaining fragments of the party-state ideology from the Martial Law era: a cultural affinity for China, hostility toward democracy and an obsession with outdated, conservative feudalism.
These are factors that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and other parties must face before Taiwan’s democracy and national identity can be further consolidated. Although the DPP has been voted into power, the nation’s arts and cultural scene remains under the influence of the party-state ideology.
Many DPP politicians also identify with the old culture, having grown up with it. The same holds true for a majority of Taiwanese.
Political transformation must go hand-in-hand with cultural transformation. Otherwise, no amount of effort can bring true awakening to a society.
If the KMT were not so anti-Taiwanese, lacking in “Taiwaneseness” and unfairly disadvantaged, there would be no guarantee that it would never regain power. A reminder of this danger was when Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) in 2009 replaced former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) after having successfully promoted himself as an upright, law-abiding citizen.
Education reforms carried out by former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) helped build the foundation for a new sense of national identity, which has become more rooted among Taiwanese born since the 1990s.
However, this was not a structural change, as the definition of Taiwan’s national identity has differed depending on the party in power.
Following the chaos caused by the KMT during Ma’s presidency, President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) administration must set things straight.
Today, Taiwanese still lack the vision required to transform Taiwan into a normal, progressive nation. The proportion of classical Chinese in Chinese textbooks is but one aspect of this issue, as it concerns only the form of the literary works, while the content and spirit of the works included in textbooks remains undiscussed. In a world that is continually progressing, Taiwan’s Chinese education is doing little to inspire students.
Poet and essayist Yu Kwang-chung (余光中) passed away at the age of 90 on Dec. 14. Although Yu was known as a leading literary figure, he was also controversial — both loved and hated. The passing of time should permit people to evaluate his contribution more accurately.
Chinese educational, social and cultural circles in Taiwan have long been dominated by similar views on culture, leading to many generations being confused about national identity.
The re-evaluation will not be limited to Yu, but will include the contributions of many other artists and intellectuals.
After World War II, both the winners and the losers had to rise from the ashes and move forward. Having neither won nor lost, Taiwan made the economy a priority, but gave little toward culture under the quasi-colonial rule of the KMT.
Post-war Taiwan had no opportunity to build a Taiwan-centered identity. Under the KMT, the nation was nothing but a military base where the Republic of China (ROC) could be revived.
Although Taiwan has undergone democratization and localization, it has yet to develop a true national culture. The KMT has used it to replace its dead ROC — this is not a political problem, but a cultural problem.
Lee Min-yung is a poet.
Translated by Tu Yu-an
George Santayana wrote: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” This article will help readers avoid repeating mistakes by examining four examples from the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) forces and the Republic of China (ROC) forces that involved two city sieges and two island invasions. The city sieges compared are Changchun (May to October 1948) and Beiping (November 1948 to January 1949, renamed Beijing after its capture), and attempts to invade Kinmen (October 1949) and Hainan (April 1950). Comparing and contrasting these examples, we can learn how Taiwan may prevent a war with
A recent trio of opinion articles in this newspaper reflects the growing anxiety surrounding Washington’s reported request for Taiwan to shift up to 50 percent of its semiconductor production abroad — a process likely to take 10 years, even under the most serious and coordinated effort. Simon H. Tang (湯先鈍) issued a sharp warning (“US trade threatens silicon shield,” Oct. 4, page 8), calling the move a threat to Taiwan’s “silicon shield,” which he argues deters aggression by making Taiwan indispensable. On the same day, Hsiao Hsi-huei (蕭錫惠) (“Responding to US semiconductor policy shift,” Oct. 4, page 8) focused on
Taiwan is rapidly accelerating toward becoming a “super-aged society” — moving at one of the fastest rates globally — with the proportion of elderly people in the population sharply rising. While the demographic shift of “fewer births than deaths” is no longer an anomaly, the nation’s legal framework and social customs appear stuck in the last century. Without adjustments, incidents like last month’s viral kicking incident on the Taipei MRT involving a 73-year-old woman would continue to proliferate, sowing seeds of generational distrust and conflict. The Senior Citizens Welfare Act (老人福利法), originally enacted in 1980 and revised multiple times, positions older
Nvidia Corp’s plan to build its new headquarters at the Beitou Shilin Science Park’s T17 and T18 plots has stalled over a land rights dispute, prompting the Taipei City Government to propose the T12 plot as an alternative. The city government has also increased pressure on Shin Kong Life Insurance Co, which holds the development rights for the T17 and T18 plots. The proposal is the latest by the city government over the past few months — and part of an ongoing negotiation strategy between the two sides. Whether Shin Kong Life Insurance backs down might be the key factor
RSS