After coming under a great deal of pressure, the government has resumed its flagging push for transitional justice.
The National Human Rights Museum Organic Act (國家人權博物館組織法) on Nov. 28 passed its third legislative reading, while the Act on Promoting Transitional Justice (促進轉型正義條例) passed its third reading on Dec. 5.
In addition, the National Archives in a news release said that it has set up a “political archive area” in response to the government’s push for transitional justice, making 100,000 pages of political files publicly available online.
Opening and making an inventory of political files is a necessary step. The authorities should use this as an opportunity to carry out a comprehensive review of the past policy of keeping files classified.
In addition to files at the National Archives Administration, there is another batch of political archives that has been transferred to the Academia Historica from the Presidential Office.
These files have existed for more than 30 — and sometimes even 40 — years, but some of them have still not been made available to the public.
Such archives include files related to the Taiwan Independence Party’s activities in Japan, pro-independence advocate Peng Ming-min’s (彭明敏) and others’ actions in the US and the overseas activities of dangwai (黨外, outside the party) organizations, as well as questioning and suggestions in relation to the 1979 Kaohsiung incident. There are even files related to the 1981 death of academic Chen Wen-cheng (陳文成).
The Academia Historica had previously submitted a written request to the Presidential Office requesting declassification of the files, but the Presidential Office’s Second Bureau on July 16, 2009 — during then-president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) presidency — ordered it not to declassify the documents before Jan. 23, 2019, when the issue would be reviewed again.
The reason behind the decision is unknown, but it reveals the conservative nature of the Ma administration and its unwillingness to face historical truths.
President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) and her administration say that the basis of transitional justice must be the opening of political files — so is there anything to learn from the Ma administration on the matter?
Since Tsai on several occasions has reiterated her administration’s determination to make an inventory of and open political files, the Presidential Office should do so for the documents that were blocked by the Ma administration.
The government would be setting a good example of how to make political archives publicly available by publishing these files online.
Chen Yu-chi is a doctoral student in the Graduate Institute of Taiwan History at National Chengchi University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval