Immaculate in a gray woolen suit, 26-year-old Christopher Linares settles into a chair in his office near Buckingham Palace. The grand setting feels a long way from his Peruvian home — and that is not all that has changed.
Linares works as an investment analyst for a private equity firm specializing in mining, which manages multibillion-dollar transactions. However, less than three years ago, he was an impoverished student, wondering how on earth to find enough money to pay for the final year of his university degree in Arequipa, Peru.
That was where Lumni stepped in.
Illustration: June Hsu
One of a growing number of social enterprises aiming to help poorer students, Lumni found investors to finance Linares’ final year of study in exchange for a promised share of his future income.
Without Lumni, Linares would not have his current job.
“I’m pretty grateful for what they did for me,” he told reporters.
Such income-sharing agreements are paving the way for less fortunate students to get on in life.
Despite economist Milton Friedman proposing purchasing a share of someone’s earning prospects in 1955, the idea has only taken off in this century, with social enterprises, crowdfunding initiatives and universities now offering access to education in this way.
Lumni was set up in 2002 and now offers services in Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Chile and the US. The company aims to make higher education available to students from low-income backgrounds who could not otherwise afford to join the lucky few who can pay.
Linares studied mining engineering at Peru’s top university, the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru. It cost half of his mother’s annual income.
His story is typical, given that the annual fee at the University of Chile is between a third and a sixth of an average annual salary of a middle class family in the country, according to a report by the World Bank.
Lumni’s students are assessed on their potential to complete their studies and get a job in their chosen field. They must have a sound credit record and be high academic achievers. The company makes its money charging administration fees for its services.
Lumni founder Felipe Vergara, who is from Colombia, said his enterprise has enabled 10,000 students in five countries to gain higher education and get a job in the past 15 years.
Vergara’s own family was able to pay for his education, and after stints working in Brazil and France, he completed a business degree and joined a blue-chip consulting company.
“Some of my friends were very bright, but didn’t have the means to have higher education,” he said. “I was less bright and I did have the opportunity. I felt that this was unfair.”
He found investment — the company says the investors prefer not to be named — to fund a pilot with six students in Chile. All graduated successfully, found jobs and paid back their debt. Now every year, 1,500 other students have the same experience.
Students pay a percentage of the salary they go on to earn, depending on the level of income. Success rates are high, with 97 percent graduating, and the default rates on repayment are low, with just 2 to 7 percent of students in the five countries the company covers failing to repay.
“If you provide a scholarship, there is no payback from the student. When the students pay back you can use this to fund more students,” Vergara said. “It’s a better system than loans because it is less risk for students.”
Geoff Whitty, chair for equity in higher education at the University of Newcastle, Australia, compared the scheme to government loans in Britain and Australia, which students start to repay once they earn a certain salary.
“In other countries, a private scheme like this could be a useful part of the mix, but it is unlikely to do much towards meeting the wider challenge of funding mass participation in higher education,” he said by e-mail.
Some of Lumni’s funders are philanthropists such as Alberto Beeck, who founded the eponymous center of social impact and innovation at Washington’s Georgetown University.
Others are “impact investors” — people who want to see their money do good and to get a financial return on their investment.
“Shifting education finance away from underwriting credit risk to investing in the equity of human potential” is Lumni’s model, said Stuart Davidson, a trustee of the Woodcock Foundation, which supports community development projects.
Linares is paying back the money for his education over 23 months and said the scheme has worked well for him.
“In the end, we are a product. You want your product to get a job, you want your product to be working, to be making money,” he said, sitting in his central London office. “It’s giving a lot of people many more opportunities than they would have had.”
The US Senate’s passage of the 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which urges Taiwan’s inclusion in the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercise and allocates US$1 billion in military aid, marks yet another milestone in Washington’s growing support for Taipei. On paper, it reflects the steadiness of US commitment, but beneath this show of solidarity lies contradiction. While the US Congress builds a stable, bipartisan architecture of deterrence, US President Donald Trump repeatedly undercuts it through erratic decisions and transactional diplomacy. This dissonance not only weakens the US’ credibility abroad — it also fractures public trust within Taiwan. For decades,
In 1976, the Gang of Four was ousted. The Gang of Four was a leftist political group comprising Chinese Communist Party (CCP) members: Jiang Qing (江青), its leading figure and Mao Zedong’s (毛澤東) last wife; Zhang Chunqiao (張春橋); Yao Wenyuan (姚文元); and Wang Hongwen (王洪文). The four wielded supreme power during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), but when Mao died, they were overthrown and charged with crimes against China in what was in essence a political coup of the right against the left. The same type of thing might be happening again as the CCP has expelled nine top generals. Rather than a
Former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmaker Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) on Saturday won the party’s chairperson election with 65,122 votes, or 50.15 percent of the votes, becoming the second woman in the seat and the first to have switched allegiance from the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to the KMT. Cheng, running for the top KMT position for the first time, had been termed a “dark horse,” while the biggest contender was former Taipei mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌), considered by many to represent the party’s establishment elite. Hau also has substantial experience in government and in the KMT. Cheng joined the Wild Lily Student
Taipei stands as one of the safest capital cities the world. Taiwan has exceptionally low crime rates — lower than many European nations — and is one of Asia’s leading democracies, respected for its rule of law and commitment to human rights. It is among the few Asian countries to have given legal effect to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant of Social Economic and Cultural Rights. Yet Taiwan continues to uphold the death penalty. This year, the government has taken a number of regressive steps: Executions have resumed, proposals for harsher prison sentences