China’s co-opting of six Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and two independent local government leaders and the change in the relationship between the US and the Philippines are creating the conditions required to strengthen the military relationship between the US and Taiwan.
Beijing has co-opted these pan-blue leaders in a vain attempt at using the so-called “1992 consensus” to “colonize” and split Taiwan. It is a serious threat to national security and Taiwan must respond.
Considering Kaohsiung as a US military base of sorts would be of particular significance to Taiwan’s national security and Kaohsiung’s economic development.
Since taking office, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has been moving toward China and away from the US.
For example, before his election, he said that as long as China was willing to help pay for railroads in the Philippines, he would send one of his predecessors, Fidel Ramos, to Hong Kong for direct talks with China. He called US President Barack Obama “a son of a bitch” while criticizing the US over its colonial history in the Philippines.
Duterte also asked US Special Forces personnel combatting Muslim militants on the southern island of Mindanao to withdraw from the region, said that the Philippines will cease joint patrols with the US in the South China Sea, and that Manila will buy arms from China and Russia.
In addition to being in its own strategic interests, the US’ return to Asia is intended to help Asian nations resist Chinese expansionism, especially in the South China Sea.
The Philippines in March opened five military bases to the US to strengthen its position in the sovereignty dispute between the Philippines and China over the islands and reefs in the South China Sea.
Under Duterte, the Philippines has made a U-turn and is leaving the US in an awkward position.
Taiwan occupies a crucial strategic position in the first island chain, and the Philippines’ wavering is making Taiwan even more important. If the US wanted to replace the Philippine bases, Kaohsiung would be a top choice, because aircraft carriers could anchor there and it is located between Japan’s Miyako Islands and the Bashi Channel, which the Chinese must traverse to reach past the first island chain.
In addition, Taiwanese shipyards in Kaohsiung could service US ships, while Kaohsiung International Airport could be expanded. Another choice would be Taichung Airport, close to Chingchuankang Air Base.
In 1954, the US and the Republic of China (ROC) government signed the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty, which had a military focus, but also included political, economic and social cooperation.
The treaty was terminated in 1979, when the US established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China.
Due to shared strategic needs, it is time for renewed cooperation, in particular military cooperation. Because the US acknowledges the “one China” policy, renewed cooperation would have to be between the US and Taiwan rather than Sino-American cooperation.
Members of the US Congress have recently proposed a “Taiwan Travel Act” bill that would, if passed, allow high-level Taiwanese officials to visit the US and meet with top officials at the Department of State and the Pentagon.
Such an act would kick-start cooperation between Taiwan and the US in general, and military cooperation with the Pentagon in particular.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing
A group of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers led by the party’s legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (?) are to visit Beijing for four days this week, but some have questioned the timing and purpose of the visit, which demonstrates the KMT caucus’ increasing arrogance. Fu on Wednesday last week confirmed that following an invitation by Beijing, he would lead a group of lawmakers to China from Thursday to Sunday to discuss tourism and agricultural exports, but he refused to say whether they would meet with Chinese officials. That the visit is taking place during the legislative session and in the aftermath