At the handover of power on Friday last week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) raised the curtain on her presidency with an inaugural address that focused on the needs of the general public, as well as her vision for the future.
That day, the Taiwan Stock Exchange closed 35 points higher: It was only the second time since direct popular and democratic presidential elections were introduced in 1996 that the stock market has advanced following a presidential inauguration
Commemorative coins marking the inauguration of Tsai also sold extremely well. While this all seems to bode well for Tsai and her administration, the government must not be overly confident. The past eight years have left Taiwan in a vulnerable position, and it remains to be seen whether all key indicators have bottomed out or if they will continue to fall.
The only thing that can be said with any certainty is that the Tsai administration must start from scratch in their effort to lift the nation from its current state. Starting now, public complaints will be directed at Tsai and her government instead of former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九).
Having expressed her vision for the nation, Tsai will now need time to develop the right strategies for achieving that vision. While Tsai’s supporters are well aware of this, it is still important that her administration keep a sense of urgency and carry out its goals as soon as possible.
Recent surveys have shown that Taiwanese workers are desperate to escape poverty. It has already been a while since Tsai’s election win on Jan. 16, and the honeymoon period is practically over. The recent criticism from civil groups over the inclusion of street protests in the presidential inauguration ceremony is a sign that the public is already viewing the Tsai administration with a critical eye.
Public opinion can wax and wane, as both Ma and Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) are keenly aware, just to give two examples. If, within a year, Tsai’s vision has not translated into results with concrete signs of improvement, and if any sudden crisis is handled badly, public opinion can easily turn against the government. This is something that the government must keep in mind at all times.
The Tsai administration has just taken office, and hopefully it will carry out the reforms it has promised and lead the nation to a better place. Tsai’s inaugural address was a clear sign that she is highly aware of the public’s increased participation in politics in recent years.
However, the government should remember that navigating today’s Taiwan requires far more prudence than it did in the past. Since 2014, and even more so today, Taiwanese have become far more aware of their rights and power than during the presidential elections in 2008 and 2012.
Such is the driving force that helped the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) gain control of the executive and legislative branches of government, and Tsai is probably more aware of this than anyone. The public’s increased participation in politics, which emerged as a backlash against Ma’s authoritarian rule over the past eight years, paved the way for the Tsai administration.
Sovereignty rests with the public and with the increased role of public participation in politics, any major decision in public affairs must be built on a foundation of public opinion. Democracy under the Ma administration over the past eight years continued to follow the old “party-state” ideology and never veered far from the spirit of authoritarianism. Ma failed the nation because he never listened to public opinion. Having led Taiwanese down the wrong path, he was then rejected by them.
History teaches us about the future. The government must widen its decisionmaking circle and seek to build public consensus. Taiwanese have shown a strong will and self-discipline, exerting their rights and shouldering their responsibilities. They are no longer just passive subordinates.
The threshold for passing a referendum should be lowered and the barrier for public participation torn down so that the government, the legislature and the general public can form a democratic partnership.
The increased public participation in politics also means that there can no longer be any talk of loyal deep-blue or deep-green voters. The government’s policymaking must be based on expertise and scientific evidence of what works, instead of rhetoric tailored for election campaigns. The greater the clash of interests and values, the more important this becomes.
The government must not routinely resort to populism. With regard to highly controversial issues, such as whether to allow US pork imports and whether to abolish capital punishment, the government should make doubly sure that there is sufficient room for dialogue with the public.
Without effective channels for communication and constructive discussion, dialogue between disparate groups is easily drowned out by slogans and bickering with the result that good solutions are overlooked. When things come to a head and the government forces through its decision without building a consensus among various groups, no matter what it decides to do, it is bound to lead to social division. Allowing that to happen is unhelpful in solving any problem, and any government that continuously does so will be voted out of office.
The public’s increased participation in politics also shows that the younger generation has channeled their shared frustration into a positive energy and passion for change. From the protest on Ketagalan Boulevard against the death of army corporal Hung Chung-chiu (洪仲丘) to the Sunflower movement, these social movements have benefited the Tsai government greatly.
A nation moves forward by taking care of its citizens, young and old alike. To provide better support for the nation’s aging society, the government should make generational justice a priority, and create an environment where youth can enjoy economic stability, and stay competitive and ambitious. And since a majority of the nation’s population — especially the younger generation — identify as Taiwanese, the government should break free from interference by Beijing’s “one China” principle.
On the one hand, it must do what is necessary to realize transitional justice, uncover the truths about the past persecution of political dissidents and heal the divide between disparate groups. It must also work with neighboring nations to secure regional peace with dignity and show the international community the shared conviction of the 23 million Taiwanese, as well as that Taiwan is Taiwan.
Regardless of whether one thinks Taiwan has lost eight or 16 years, the nation has now reached a crossroads, where challenges and opportunities equally abound. From a global perspective, many of the problems facing Taiwan came with globalization, which of course has its pros and cons. These problems, which many other nations also face, include worsened business monopolies, shrinking industries, declining investment rates, a widening wealth gap, low social mobility, loopholes in the social safety net and increased cybercrime.
The Ma administration stubbornly believed that these problems could be solved by simply taking “the Chinese medicine.” Consequently, Taiwan has fallen increasingly ill and is now outrun by many of its neighboring nations.
By adhering to justice, the Tsai administration would not only help solve a series of long-term problems, but also correct a bias that the Ma administration developed in recent years. From there, through the active participation of the general public in political decisionmaking, Taiwan can evolve into an authentic democracy.
Translated by Tu Yu-an
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