Foreign relations do not normally fall within the jurisdiction of a local leader, but Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) was plagued with questions on the China problem even while he was still on the campaign trail. Asked to accept the so-called “1992 consensus,” he shot back with a curt: “First tell me what the 1992 consensus is.”
Newspapers say that his basic stance on China is one of “mutual understanding, mutual respect and mutual exchanges,” and that “China is a foreign nation, and as a foreign country it should receive all of these, like any other foreign country does.”
However, there are problems with this outlook.
First, is it necessary to “understand” China more than it already is? The Chinese Communist Party governs 1.3 billion people and the world has conducted, or has access to, broad and penetrating research on every aspect of China: its history, culture, society, politics, foreign relations, economics, education, military and ethnic makeup. Bookshelves around the world creak under the weight of periodicals and publications on China. It would be difficult to seek to know more about the place than has already been scrutinized and written upon.
China is open about its intentions to annex Taiwan and has permeated the nation, gaining a firm grip on classified information. How much room is there for the two nations to understand more about each other?
Second, whenever it has the opportunity, Beijing obstructs, suppresses and embarrasses Taipei. Taiwan is the world’s orphan, the “other woman.” How can talk of “mutual respect” even begin?
Third, there is the issue of “mutual exchanges.” Millions of people move back and forth between the two nations every year. Chinese officials of all ranks, seniority and importance come to Taiwan on “inspection tours” as if they were central government officials touring regions under their jurisdiction. Back and forth they go, while Taiwanese officials fete them, keeping them informed of conditions, making reports and openly speaking of “unification” when talking to the media.
When the pandas were shipped to Taiwan, the Republic of China (ROC) flags were taken down from the sides of the roads and tucked away out of sight, as if the two animals would be angered by the sight of the national flags.
Hundreds of Chinese students, all decked out in communist uniforms, strutted the stage of the National Theater, performing their own national dance, but when Taiwanese visit China, they just keep their heads down, afraid to poke them out from the shell into which they have retreated.
Heaven forbid the words “nation,” “president,” “democracy,” “freedom” or “human rights” be uttered — and that is not even to consider broaching the subject of the national anthem and flag. The most senior Taiwanese leaders sing the Chinese national anthem, pandering to authorities there.
Fourth, how can China be treated as if it is just another foreign nation when it has 2,000 missiles aimed at Taiwan from the other side of the Taiwan Strait and it has promulgated its “anti-secession” law as a form of intimidation. The pity is that Taiwan is just too weak to do anything about it. Otherwise, the nation would be within its rights according to international law to destroy those missiles as part of a legitimate defense.
China is a foreign nation that is manifestly hostile toward Taiwan, so of course it does not deserve to receive the same treatment as other nations.
Ko has only just stepped into his post. He has a lot of things to deal with. He has no need to get embroiled in the bottomless mire that is the China problem. It would be far better for him to act as a detached observer, watching from afar.
Peng Ming-min is a former presidential adviser.
Translated by Paul Cooper
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several