The civil protest movement and week-long class boycott initiated by the Hong Kong Federation of Students and activist group Scholarism unexpectedly caused the Occupy Central with Love and Peace (和平佔中) campaign to start earlier than planned. The movement called on China’s National People’s Congress to revoke its political reform package for Hong Kong and reopen consultations on the measures.
In June, the People’s Republic of China State Council issued a “white paper” reiterating the “one country, two systems” (一國兩制) model it applies to the territory and reneging on the assurances made in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Hong Kong’s Basic Law of “a high degree of autonomy” for Hong Kongers.
There are similarities between Hong Kong’s Occupy Central and Taiwan’s Sunflower movement. In both cases, the citizenry rose up against Beijing’s using the forging of closer economic and trade ties in the context of its political and economic rise to penetrate and dissipate Hong Kong’s right to autonomy, as well as Taiwan’s independence, autonomy and sovereign rights.
The Sunflower movement sought to attract support under the mantra “Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow Taiwan” and people have been watching what is going on in the territory with a heightened sense of alarm. The youth of Hong Kong have been courageously fighting to protect democratic values and the two societies — Taiwan and Hong Kong— are turning to each other for support. Undoubtedly, one of the most significant aspects in all this is the younger generation’s civic-mindedness and ability to organize and wield influence.
From these civic disobedience movements, it is evident that the younger generation is at the forefront, if not way ahead, of the curve compared with the wider public in Taiwan and Hong Kong. They are leading the way now and will become the cornerstone around which all else is built.
Just as Hong Kongers were taking to the streets to demand true universal suffrage, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) was reiterating Beijing’s commitment to “peaceful unification” (和平統一) and the “one country, two systems” policy, comments meant to assure and intimidate Taiwanese.
If Beijing can renege on assurances made in international pacts such as the Sino-British Joint Declaration and wantonly wrest away Hong Kongers’ right to autonomy — while rebuffing the UK with warnings to not interfere in its internal affairs — then the framework of “peaceful unification” and “one country, two systems” China advocates for addressing the Taiwan question is likely to be met with suspicion by the international community. In addition, this framework in no way complies with Taiwan’s political reality or its public’s will.
Recently, Beijing has been ratcheting up the political pressure in its interferences in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Internally, it is issuing ever harsher warnings to opposition and Xinjiang independence groups. Externally, it has been addressing Taiwan’s sovereignty and Hong Kong’s autonomy, taking advantage of the US and Europe being tied up with the Islamic State in the Middle East and the Ukraine crisis in Europe, leaving them unable to concentrate on East Asia.
Despite this, the younger generations in Taiwan and Hong Kong are standing up to the autocrats in Beijing and their strong-arm tactics. In both cases, it is the younger generation on the front line of defense, protecting incontrovertible values such as freedom and democracy, as well as their sovereignty. They are the pillar supporting the future of the societies in which they live.
In the long term, China’s leaders are set to lose the support of the “people,” the very group they have appealed to in the past when attempting to deal with Taiwanese and Hong Kong politics.
Chang Ching-yun is an assistant research fellow at the Taiwan Brain Trust.
Translated by Paul Cooper
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