With less than two months to go until the nine-in-one elections, close public scrutiny is needed on how various government officials and agencies conduct themselves and whether they — intentionally or unintentionally — abuse administrative power for partisan gain.
Among recent incidents that have raised eyebrows is the Executive Yuan’s announcement that it is to relax eligibility requirements for retired civil servants who qualify for year-end bonuses. Currently, the government limits the bonuses to retirees who receive a monthly pension of less than NT$20,000 (US$657). However, according to the Executive Yuan’s latest plan, starting next year the cap will be raised to NT$25,000, which would benefit more, but also add NT$1.5 billion to national expenditures.
Premier Jiang Yi-huah (江宜樺) has dismissed accusations that the policy change is an attempt to attract votes for the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) in the run-up to the Nov. 29 elections. Insisting that it has nothing to do with the elections, he said it is only meant to better care for disadvantaged people.
Unfortunately, Jiang’s explanation is anything but convincing.
President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration has made almost no progress despite Ma’s pledges of pension reforms. The only small advance it managed was the announcement in 2012 by then-premier Sean Chen (陳?) that, following a public outcry, bonuses should only be given to retired military personnel, civil servants, public-school teachers and employees of state-owned enterprises who receive a monthly pension of less than NT$20,000.
The scheme took effect at the end of that year, but only two years in, the administration is changing the rules again. The timing is dubious, considering this is an election year. If the government thinks that people living on NT$25,000 a month are “disadvantaged,” what about workers who have to make do with NT$22,000 as a starting salary? Why the discriminatory treatment for private-sector workers and preferential treatment for public-sector retirees?
Even more suspicious is that the policy’s announcement coincided with KMT Taipei mayoral candidate Sean Lien’s (連勝文) pledge to fight for the relaxation of pension eligibility criteria for retired public workers.
Then there was the incident involving Nantou County Commissioner Lee Chao-ching (李朝卿) of the KMT, who was suspended from office in November 2012 after being indicted on corruption and other charges. The Ministry of the Interior in April last year rejected his appeal to get his job back and again in April after Lee filed a second application to be reinstated.
However, after Lee’s wife, Chien Su-tuan (簡素端), on Sept. 10 announced her decision not to run in the Nantou County commissioner election, the Executive Yuan’s Petitions and Appeals Committee revoked the ministry’s decision. The move prompted speculation over whether some sort of “exchange” was arranged in which Chien willingly dropped out of the race to avoid a possible split in the county’s pan-blue camp ahead of the elections.
Another case that has raised questions about administrative neutrality involves KMT Yilan County Commissioner Chiou Shu-ti (邱淑媞), who is also the director-general of the Health Promotion Administration. The agency spent NT$4 million on an advertisement that featured her face alone, leaving many wondering whether it was a campaign strategy to promote Chiou’s visibility among voters.
With the elections approaching, the issue of administrative neutrality is proving to be increasingly pertinent. It is imperative for members of the public to keep a close eye on the government to keep it in check, to make sure the principle of impartiality is upheld, and that a clear distinction between party politics and the state apparatus is maintained and not exploited or manipulated for partisan gains.
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