Reality smacked US Republican presidential hopeful Mitt Romney in the face twice in a 24-hour span.
US President Barack Obama used the power of the presidency to ring the general election’s opening bell, declaring this week in no uncertain terms that he and his mammoth organization are ready to take on Romney — whether the presumptive Republican nominee is ready or not.
Despite what he may say, Romney is not.
The former Massachusetts governor, who won three more primaries on Tuesday and is on track to claim his party’s presidential nomination in June, if not before, is facing a challenge of historic proportions. Just one Republican — former US president Ronald Reagan — has defeated a Democratic incumbent president in the past century, and Romney faces an incumbent with five times more staff, 10 times more money and the world’s greatest bully pulpit.
Using that platform on Tuesday, Obama criticized Romney by name, telling news executives at the annual meeting of The Associated Press that his likely general election opponent supported a “radical” Republican budget plan he characterized as “thinly veiled social Darwinism.” He accused Republican leaders of becoming so extreme that even Reagan, one of the party’s most cherished heroes, would not win a Republican primary today.
The president’s critique came just one day after his campaign launched a TV ad in six general election battleground states that suggested that Romney stood with “Big Oil.” It all comes amid a Democratic effort to paint Romney as part of a Republican Party that Obama’s party is casting as too conservative for the country.
Romney hit back after he won primaries in Wisconsin, Washington and Maryland on Tuesday, telling cheering supporters in Milwaukee that the president has become “a little out of touch” after “years of flying around on Air Force One, surrounded by an adoring staff of true believers telling you that you’re great and you’re doing a great job.”
“You know, out-of-touch liberals like Barack Obama say they want a strong economy, but in everything they do, they show they don’t like business very much,” Romney said.
With that, the contours of the general election were set — and the attack lines unveiled.
Each candidate cast the other as too extreme for the center of the country — speaking directly to the independents who play a critical role in general elections because they determine who wins close races. The number of independent voters in the US has swelled. That means they are a top target for both candidates in what Republican and Democratic operatives alike anticipate will be a close election for reasons that include the country’s increasingly polarized nature.
As the incumbent, Obama has a built-in advantage and a huge head start. He has spent months wooing the center of the electorate even as he worked to fire up his Democratic base.
Romney has a ton of ground to make up and, even though he has been eager to shift his campaign to focus on fundraising, building and advertising for the general election, he does not have the luxury of doing that in earnest just yet.
His stubborn Republican opponents, inspired by anti-Romney skepticism from the right flank of the party, are not letting him. And that means Romney will continue — for a while at least — to be at least marginally distracted by an intraparty contest whose outcome has never really been in question.
Tuesday night’s victories did little to persuade his overmatched Republican rivals to quit the race.
“The clock starts tonight,” chief Republican rival Rick Santorum told supporters gathered in his home state of Pennsylvania, which hosts a Republican primary on April 24. “After winning this state, the field looks a little different in May.”
Santorum predicted his comeback sometime that month, a claim that is both frustrating and somewhat laughable for a growing number of Republicans across the country mindful of the real challenge Obama represents.
Libertarian-leaning Texas Representative Ron Paul, too, is pledging to stay in the race, and former US House speaker Newt Gingrich issued a statement on Tuesday insisting he was “committed to carrying the banner of bold conservative colors all the way to Tampa.”
It was a reference to the party’s national nominating convention in Florida this summer, where Romney would accept the nomination should he secure the 1,144 delegates needed to win.
Despite the Republican primary distraction, Romney is trying hard to look ahead — no matter how daunting the view.
At the end of February, the president’s re-election campaign reported US$84.7 million in the bank compared with Romney’s US$7.3 million — all money raised for the primary. Obama has more than 530 paid staff compared with roughly 100 for Romney. And Obama already has staff distributed in almost every state in the nation, while Romney’s team is concentrated in Boston and a handful of primary states.
In recent days, Romney’s team has tried to start preparing to tackle the challenges. Aides visited Washington to recruit staffers in hopes of hiring them as soon as the campaign has enough general election money. The campaign recently alerted donors to prepare to raise general election dollars.
Mindful of the need to keep at least one eye on the primary fight, Romney sent a message to Republicans set to vote April 24 in a series of contests: He has not forgotten them.
“Tonight, I’m asking the good people of Connecticut, Delaware, New York, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island to join me. Join me in the next step toward that destination of Nov. 6, when across America we can give a sigh of relief and know that the Promise of America has been kept,” he said. “The dreamers can dream a little bigger, the help wanted signs can get dusted off and be put in the front yard, and we can start again.”
Romney cannot fully start again, however, for a little while longer.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing