Amid the ongoing scare over banned chemical additives in food, people are asking how even major food factories and well-known biotechnology companies have been found to be using harmful clouding agents in their products. If large, well-known brands and products carrying government-certified good manufacturing practices (GMP) labels are so unreliable, what is left to trust?
Common sense tells us that it is not a good idea to buy things when you don’t know where they come from. Goods sold under well-known brand names and those carrying official certification may be a bit more expensive, but most people are willing to spend a little extra because they have faith in the quality of these goods.
Indeed, that faith and confidence are the essential foundations of capitalism. Two centuries ago, Adam Smith, who is often considered the father of modern economics, showed how the division of labor leads to higher efficiency and wealth creation. Division of labor leads to economies of scale at each link in the production chain, which in turn allows products to be sold more cheaply. Cheaper prices stimulate consumption, which expands the market and creates more jobs.
This idea that the division of labor allows a market economy to flourish has come to be a central concept and proposition of economics. The theory behind globalization and economic liberalization is that there is a positive relationship between division of labor, efficiency and rising benefits.
As Smith saw it, the market is like an invisible hand that can allocate resources in the most effective way. In particular, radical free-market economists often talk about this idea of an invisible hand when they argue that the less governments intervene in the economy, the better.
The real world, however, is not as simple as those who have absolute faith in the market would like to believe. When labor is divided layer upon layer, the face that different manufacturers present to one another and the face of manufacturers as seen by consumers become very blurred, so that economic players don’t know much about each other. It is because of this phenomenon that brands and their reputation and people’s trust in them are so important in a market economy.
In the ongoing case of banned clouding agents, the plasticizer maker which stood at the head of the supply chain and sold raw materials to the firm that made the questionable clouding product claims that it did not know and did not need to know what these chemicals were really going to be used for. As for food and supplement manufacturers, which are further down the supply chain, they say they did not know that these cheap clouding agents contained banned substances — and if they didn’t know, how could consumers know?
This kind of “ignorance” and lack of transparency are widespread in all kinds of purchasing and consumption. If downstream manufacturers and consumers had to find out for themselves how safe the raw materials were, the cost of trading would soar and the result of that would be twofold: One, downstream manufacturers might simply integrate upward by making their own raw materials; and two, consumers could just make these items at home and stop buying them on the market. Both of these would break down the division of labor and undermine the existing market economy.
From this angle it can clearly be seen that brands, commercial reputation and trust have emerged in response to the market economy. A market economy cannot flourish by relying on market mechanisms alone; an effective functioning system of regulation is also needed to ensure that an elaborate division of labor can operate smoothly. If effective regulation is absent, poor products will tend to drive out better quality ones; in this case, cheap industrial clouding agents have been used in place of healthy food-grade ones throughout Taiwan’s foodstuff market.
In theory, market competition ought to eliminate poor-quality manufacturers, but in reality, under the capitalist logic of seeking maximum profit amid fierce competition, cutting costs is often the chief concern for manufacturers. Even well-known or certified manufacturers have shirked their duty by failing to conduct basic quality control over their raw materials and products. Their excuse is they “trusted” their suppliers.
It is clear, then, that consumers’ interests cannot be safeguarded by relying on market mechanisms alone.
Industrial clouding agents in food have harmed the health of Taiwanese and the ongoing scare has damaged the country’s image abroad, but the logic described earlier applies in other countries, too. Taiwan is by no means the only place to have experienced incidents like this. They have happened in the past and could continue to happen in the future.
How can this crisis be turned into an opportunity? One impetus for establishing an effective market mechanism would be for consumers, the victims of the scandal, to get together and demand heavy compensation from all the manufacturers involved and from the state. As to the government, in future it should get to grips with the logic that drives the market economy. Only by so doing can it transform Taiwan’s economy into a system in which both consumers and manufacturers can emerge as winners.
C.J. Wu is a researcher at the Taiwan Thinktank.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
A failure by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to respond to Israel’s brilliant 12-day (June 12-23) bombing and special operations war against Iran, topped by US President Donald Trump’s ordering the June 21 bombing of Iranian deep underground nuclear weapons fuel processing sites, has been noted by some as demonstrating a profound lack of resolve, even “impotence,” by China. However, this would be a dangerous underestimation of CCP ambitions and its broader and more profound military response to the Trump Administration — a challenge that includes an acceleration of its strategies to assist nuclear proxy states, and developing a wide array
Twenty-four Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers are facing recall votes on Saturday, prompting nearly all KMT officials and lawmakers to rally their supporters over the past weekend, urging them to vote “no” in a bid to retain their seats and preserve the KMT’s majority in the Legislative Yuan. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which had largely kept its distance from the civic recall campaigns, earlier this month instructed its officials and staff to support the recall groups in a final push to protect the nation. The justification for the recalls has increasingly been framed as a “resistance” movement against China and
Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), former chairman of Broadcasting Corp of China and leader of the “blue fighters,” recently announced that he had canned his trip to east Africa, and he would stay in Taiwan for the recall vote on Saturday. He added that he hoped “his friends in the blue camp would follow his lead.” His statement is quite interesting for a few reasons. Jaw had been criticized following media reports that he would be traveling in east Africa during the recall vote. While he decided to stay in Taiwan after drawing a lot of flak, his hesitation says it all: If
Saturday is the day of the first batch of recall votes primarily targeting lawmakers of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). The scale of the recall drive far outstrips the expectations from when the idea was mooted in January by Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus whip Ker Chien-ming (柯建銘). The mass recall effort is reminiscent of the Sunflower movement protests against the then-KMT government’s non-transparent attempts to push through a controversial cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014. That movement, initiated by students, civic groups and non-governmental organizations, included student-led protesters occupying the main legislative chamber for three weeks. The two movements are linked