With warships and missiles, Russia is flexing its muscles in Asia in a bid to defend its position as an Asian power against China’s growing might.
China’s rise has forced Russia’s leaders to turn their gaze eastward and reassess decades of Soviet-era planning for a land war on the European plain or the nightmare of a nuclear conflict with the US.
The match between the world’s largest energy producer, Russia, and its largest energy consumer, China, might seem ideal. However, the speed with which China’s military is growing presses the question: How can Moscow feed the Chinese dragon with oil and gas, but still contend with its
increasing power?
Russia’s attempt to muscle back into Asia, riddled with territorial conflicts and eyed by the world’s top two military spenders — the US and China — is Moscow’s best, albeit imperfect, response to that question.
“Russia is still an Asia-Pacific power,” said Pavel Baev of the Peace Research Institute Oslo. “Moscow’s plans are definitely a signal to China that Russia takes this area seriously.”
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has promised more than US$651 billion in defense spending during the next decade for an annual average of about US$65 billion a year. Russia spent US$61 billion last year.
US core military spending was US$530 billion last year, while China, the world’s second-largest military spender, said it put nearly US$78 billion into arms last year, although some analysts believe that number may be higher.
Among the first arms to be sent east will be the two Mistral helicopter carriers that Moscow agreed to buy from France late last year and are expected to arrive in Russian hands in late 2013. A unit of the Russian S-400 air-defense missile system, able to counter missiles and aircraft, will also be planted in Asia.
Russian Deputy Defense Minister Nikolai Pankov said in an interview with Ekho Moskvy radio last month that the military was giving its Asian forces “top--priority attention.”
A new nuclear arms limitation treaty between Russia and the US has reinforced statements on both sides that war between Moscow and the West is unthinkable and given the Kremlin room to send more resources east.
ISLANDS SPAT
Russian President Dmitry Medvedev vowed last month to deploy weapons on a group of small islands at the center of a territorial row with Japan. Medvedev visited the islands in November last year, followed by top officials including Russian Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov.
Emphasizing its claim on the islands Soviet forces occupied at the end of World War II, Russia has found a reason to boost its arms in the East. However, some see talk about Japan as a bluff.
“I think that spot was chosen not at random, but as a place where Russia can take a stance without taking any major risks,” like upsetting China, Baev said.
Russia took over large swathes of resource-rich eastern Siberia from China through a combination of negotiation and military force in the mid-19th century.
Much of Moscow’s policy toward China, Russia’s largest trade partner with about US$9.5 billion in bilateral trade, has been formed around fears Beijing wants that thinly populated land back, either as room for its burgeoning population or to exploit the minerals, oil and gas it holds.
INVASION FEARS
In 2008 Moscow ceded 174km2 of land to Beijing on their shared border along the Ussuri and Amur Rivers, where the two powers exchanged fire in 1969, leaving nearly 60 dead.
“They’re still worried that China will invade Siberia one day because of the resources,” Dmitry Gorenburg, a senior analyst at military and public sector think tank CNA, said in an interview last month.
“Because from the Russian point of view it’s a very sparsely populated area, hard to defend, very remote from the center of Russia,” he said.
Beijing has alarmed neighbors with claims on a series of uninhabited islets that Japan also considers its own.
Russia is by no means looking for a fight with China, but some analysts say Moscow wants to make sure China’s territorial claims do not upset a delicate balance of power in Asia.
Russia and China commissioned the Chinese arm of the East Siberia-Pacific Ocean pipeline this year, which is scheduled to send 300,000 barrels of crude per day to China for 20 years.
Russia’s naval plans aim to keep it the world’s top oil producer by protecting large offshore oil and gas holdings at Sakhalin, where a production-sharing agreement with Exxon Mobil will help make up for an expected oil shortfall in west Siberia.
China has been a big buyer of Russian arms, but its defense orders for Russian arms will be at best flat this year, in part due to the country’s own defense industry, which analysts say has come into its own in part by copying Russian technology.
Analysts say China’s own fifth-generation fighter plane, which Beijing unveiled during US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates’ recent visit to China, is little more than a tweaked version of a Russian design.
US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) were born under the sign of Gemini. Geminis are known for their intelligence, creativity, adaptability and flexibility. It is unlikely, then, that the trade conflict between the US and China would escalate into a catastrophic collision. It is more probable that both sides would seek a way to de-escalate, paving the way for a Trump-Xi summit that allows the global economy some breathing room. Practically speaking, China and the US have vulnerabilities, and a prolonged trade war would be damaging for both. In the US, the electoral system means that public opinion
They did it again. For the whole world to see: an image of a Taiwan flag crushed by an industrial press, and the horrifying warning that “it’s closer than you think.” All with the seal of authenticity that only a reputable international media outlet can give. The Economist turned what looks like a pastiche of a poster for a grim horror movie into a truth everyone can digest, accept, and use to support exactly the opinion China wants you to have: It is over and done, Taiwan is doomed. Four years after inaccurately naming Taiwan the most dangerous place on
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
Wherever one looks, the United States is ceding ground to China. From foreign aid to foreign trade, and from reorganizations to organizational guidance, the Trump administration has embarked on a stunning effort to hobble itself in grappling with what his own secretary of state calls “the most potent and dangerous near-peer adversary this nation has ever confronted.” The problems start at the Department of State. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has asserted that “it’s not normal for the world to simply have a unipolar power” and that the world has returned to multipolarity, with “multi-great powers in different parts of the
RSS