Long-term thinking
While the idea of combining the presidential and legislative elections (“KMT mulls idea of combined legislative, presidential election,” Jan. 18, page 3) is good in theory, the means of achieving it should respect democratic principles.
With the legislative election now less than a year away, it is not the time to start changing the rules. Furthermore, any changes in the dates of elections that involve extending term limits would seriously harm voters’ democratic rights.
A dangerous precedent was set with the extension of terms in the recently upgraded special municipalities and should not be repeated. Important decisions about elections should not be made for short-term political gains. Instead, they should aim to improve democracy in the long term.
I suggest that referendums could be held in conjunction with the upcoming legislative election with the question, “Do you agree that the legislative and presidential elections should be held simultaneously?”
If the referendum is passed, then the first combined election could be held in March 2016. This would necessitate extending the term of the next legislature by two or three months. However, this would be implicit in the referendum question and would therefore have the approval of voters.
DAVID REID
Taichung
The game continues
On each point of J.C. Bron’s attempt (Letters, Jan. 12, page 8) to argue against my claim that racism is rife in Taiwan (Letters, Jan. 9, page 8), Bron fails to understand the basis of its existence.
In making the point that “learning English is a national obsession,” Bron fails to understand that it is not a national obsession because people are so in love with Western culture, but merely because the draconian Taiwanese education system forces young Taiwanese to study English (well beyond the point of wanting to give up) in order to finish high school and get a “good” job.
Bron also states that everything is translated into English. Again, Bron fails to understand why. Chinese is a language which is read by very few [sic] so it is only natural to translate it into a Roman language. English is the most widely spoken language in the world, making it an obvious choice for translation.
Also, the English translation harks back to the military occupation [sic] of US forces in Taiwan in the years after World War II.
On another point, Bron states, “For an Anglo-Saxon, it is more difficult to find one’s way around in Germany or France than Taiwan.”
How on earth Bron comes to this conclusion is astounding! There are far more English speakers in Germany and France than in Taiwan. Go to Germany and you’ll find that everyone from the teenage shop assistant all the way up to the German finance minister can speak English.
Thinking about the translation of signs in Europe is also a pointless argument. First, almost all European languages use the Roman alphabet and so it can be read by most, eg, “Berlin” in German is Berlin.
Also, most European languages are very similar, so they don’t require much translation, eg, the German translation for “My shoe is brown” is “Mein Schuh ist braun.”
Bron then makes the point that “Taiwan is far less multi-ethnic than” Europe or the US.
Almost 400,000 foreigners live in Taiwan, many of whom are Chinese. People from China are talked about in Taiwan with much disgust, as are the many Filipino, Indonesian and Thai workers.
In addition to foreigners, Aborigines are viewed and abhorred in much the same way. The light-skinned, Taiwanese-born ethnic Chinese are considered the ultimate of high society. Just look at the lawmakers of Taiwan and you would find it difficult to find someone who doesn’t fit this description.
Taiwan is the 20th-most developed nation in the world. I find this attitude slightly disconcerting considering its wealth far surpasses that of most of Asia and Europe, yet features the social attitudes of former Soviet nations.
CALLUM MCGOVERN
Taipei
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
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