A US-based high-ranking official who served under the administration of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) used to offer a standard response to any overseas Taiwanese who wanted Taiwan to be annexed by China. He would say, — and not without a degree of satisfaction — that advocates of this position should first move back to Taiwan and then see how they felt about the issue.
This strikes at the very heart of what democracy is. Any changes to the sovereign status, political system or way of life in Taiwan should be decided by Taiwanese. People living overseas, on the other side of the world, should keep their opinions to themselves if they’re not prepared to live with the consequences.
This principle can also be applied to Taiwanese businesspeople in China: The question is whether Straits Exchange Foundation Chairman Chiang Pin-kung (江丙坤) has the guts to tell these pro-unification businesspeople to put up or shut up — to go back and live in Taiwan before offering their opinion.
No one is claiming that all Taiwanese businesspeople in China are communist-leaning, but it cannot be denied that they are at the mercy of the machinations of Beijing and they end up looking at things from a Chinese perspective. Advocates of annexation, whichwould spell the death of Taiwanese democracy, are the people who form President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) hardcore base of supporters.
Ma does not stand up for Taiwan. He wouldn’t even deign to stand up for the Republic of China (ROC). His “one China” policy has undermined his popularity and voter support, just as it has damaged the sovereignty, industry and employment prospects of Taiwan and the democratic rights of Taiwanese.
The Hong Kong edition of China Taiwan Businessman magazine has been running a “Save Ma” campaign, lauding his policy of capitulating to China, mainly because it’s in the economic interests of Taiwanese businesspeople in China that he does so.
The “Save Ma” slogan reflects the concerns of China and the pro-China faction in the aftermath of last month’s special municipality elections. Immediately after the elections, Li Jiaquan (李家泉), a Chinese pundit and former official dealing with Taiwanese affairs, conceded that Ma was “flawed,” but called on the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) to unite around him, offer their support and stop undermining him.
Li is making a play on words in Chinese here. The phrase he uses for support includes the character tai — houtai (support, 後台) — which is the same tai as the first character in the name Taiwan. What he was insinuating was that he sees Ma as dismantling the ROC and undermining Taiwan (chaitai, 拆台) in readiness for surrendering it to China. Ma knows that even hardcore, pan-blue supporters would balk at this and his prospects for re-election for a second term would not be good. The answer is to support him (butai, 補台), in other words, by being complicit in his deceiving of the electorate.
Ma has recently made much of the ROC’s centenary, regurgitating that oft-repeated phrase about “loving Taiwan” and that the future of the country is to be decided by the 23 million Taiwanese living here. This is little more than deception; nothing more than cloak and dagger.
Support Ma or undermine him. Save Ma or save Taiwan. This is the predicament currently facing the KMT. It is also a crucial choice that the Taiwanese electorate faces with the legislative elections at the end of this year or the presidential election next year.
James Wang is a media commentator.
TRANSLATED BY PAUL COOPER
Chinese agents often target Taiwanese officials who are motivated by financial gain rather than ideology, while people who are found guilty of spying face lenient punishments in Taiwan, a researcher said on Tuesday. While the law says that foreign agents can be sentenced to death, people who are convicted of spying for Beijing often serve less than nine months in prison because Taiwan does not formally recognize China as a foreign nation, Institute for National Defense and Security Research fellow Su Tzu-yun (蘇紫雲) said. Many officials and military personnel sell information to China believing it to be of little value, unaware that
Before 1945, the most widely spoken language in Taiwan was Tai-gi (also known as Taiwanese, Taiwanese Hokkien or Hoklo). However, due to almost a century of language repression policies, many Taiwanese believe that Tai-gi is at risk of disappearing. To understand this crisis, I interviewed academics and activists about Taiwan’s history of language repression, the major challenges of revitalizing Tai-gi and their policy recommendations. Although Taiwanese were pressured to speak Japanese when Taiwan became a Japanese colony in 1895, most managed to keep their heritage languages alive in their homes. However, starting in 1949, when the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) enacted martial law
“Si ambulat loquitur tetrissitatque sicut anas, anas est” is, in customary international law, the three-part test of anatine ambulation, articulation and tetrissitation. And it is essential to Taiwan’s existence. Apocryphally, it can be traced as far back as Suetonius (蘇埃托尼烏斯) in late first-century Rome. Alas, Suetonius was only talking about ducks (anas). But this self-evident principle was codified as a four-part test at the Montevideo Convention in 1934, to which the United States is a party. Article One: “The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: a) a permanent population; b) a defined territory; c) government;
The central bank and the US Department of the Treasury on Friday issued a joint statement that both sides agreed to avoid currency manipulation and the use of exchange rates to gain a competitive advantage, and would only intervene in foreign-exchange markets to combat excess volatility and disorderly movements. The central bank also agreed to disclose its foreign-exchange intervention amounts quarterly rather than every six months, starting from next month. It emphasized that the joint statement is unrelated to tariff negotiations between Taipei and Washington, and that the US never requested the appreciation of the New Taiwan dollar during the