Michael Fagan’s response (Letters, Sept. 11, page 8) to my article (“Who won China’s war on fascism?” Sept. 8, page 8) allows me a further opportunity to explain the article’s content and to add one more aspect that I couldn’t fit into the article itself.
First, the article was not an exercise in political theory. Its dual purpose was to bring back into question the actual role the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) played in China’s war of resistance against Japan and to compare certain characteristics of fascism to aspects of China’s contemporary socioeconomic and sociopolitical environment.
China’s turn to the political right during the late 1970s further adds to this argument.
Another feature of fascism not mentioned in my article also applies to China’s contemporary socioeconomic and sociopolitical situation: social Darwinism. In this sense, fascism is itself closely related to Marxism and Marxist-Leninism. The difference is that Marxism uses class struggle to delineate and define stages in socioeconomic development.
Fascism makes use of social Darwinism in a cruder way: Typically fascism substitutes racial superiority for class struggle as the key driving force behind social change.
How do these “struggle” and social Darwinism issues relate to the China of today? One can look in many places to find vestiges of China’s feelings of cultural superiority. China dominated Asia through much of its imperial history. Anyone who believes feelings of cultural superiority are much different from feelings of racial superiority should go to a Chinese newspaper’s Web site and check out readers’ comments.
Furthermore, matters that the CCP would have the outside world believe are merely territorial, and not at all racial, such as the Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and Taiwan issues, are deeply rooted in the Chinese feeling of racial and cultural superiority. If this were not the case, then the domination of the CCP by ethnic Han Chinese in most of these areas and increasingly vocal insistence that the populations in these areas as well as overseas Chinese and other groups the CCP considers “Chinese” are “all Chinese” would be unnecessary.
It appears that the CCP would argue that Uighur, Mongolian, Tibetan and Taiwanese are all subsets of the Han Chinese population. Although this umbrella definition does allow a little wiggle room for ethnic minorities, it ensures these groups cannot establish any form of identity outside of the Chinese umbrella. The dominant group defines the identities of other groups. Is this not a form of racial supremacy?
The article on Jeremy Stone’s assertion, based on an “impeccable” source, that the DPP had a secret commission to explore the idea of building a nuclear weapon led me to find out more about Stone (“DPP denies Su Chi’s nuclear arms claim,” Sept. 11, page 3).
I urge readers to peruse his book. In it, Stone repeatedly demonstrates that he has badly mistaken his excellent connections in China and Taiwan for a good understanding of the China-Taiwan situation.
His “efforts” in cross-strait diplomacy are described in his diplomatic autobiography, available online. The chapters on China-Taiwan should be read with a stiff drink at hand. A good understanding of his position can be gleaned from the title of chapter 16 “Opposing Separatism: August 2002–June 2004”
In it, Stone presents the very image of a well-meaning and well-connected, but comprehensively ignorant individual who quickly becomes a tool, uncritically regurgitating Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Chinese propaganda, unaware of who he is talking to, their positions and their role in events, and who is humored, placated and used by Beijing and by the KMT.
It is symptomatic of Stone’s omnipresent confusion that at one point he refers to the “KMT Mayor Ma of Shanghai.”
Stone’s claims about the DPP’s nuclear weapons policy should be viewed against this overwhelming background of ignorance, credulity and bias.
I find it sad that the son of famed progressive I.F. Stone should cap a long public career by actively struggling to annex democratic Taiwan to authoritarian China in the cause of “peace.”
Deporting Chinese journalists As a former member of the Beijing-based Foreign Correspondents’ Club of China (FCCC), I believe that US President Donald Trump’s administration did the right thing in expelling 50 Chinese journalists. While a member of the FCCC, I would often receive alerts that US or other foreign journalists were being detained or harassed by Chinese authorities. Bona fide press credentials issued by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs offered no solid protection against official intimidation. To give officials plausible denial, many times thugs were hired by local officials or power brokers to impede reporting. It was not uncommon for such intimidation
Two weeks into a growing COVID-19 outbreak in the city of Eugene, Oregon, Eugene Mayor Lucy Vinis had plenty to worry about — from how to protect the community’s homeless population to how to keep services functioning in the face of uncertainty. The novel coronavirus feels like a slow, invisible tsunami — the kind of risk that earthquake-threatened cities on the US’ west coast are more used to preparing for, she said. As infection takes hold across the US, “we know the wave is coming — we just don’t know how soon, how high,” she said by telephone. However, Vinis has been thinking
The step-by-step protocols that doctors learn in medical school just were not stopping the new coronavirus from killing people. There is a classic process for treating respiratory problems: First, give the patient an oxygen mask, or slide a small tube into the nose to provide an extra jolt of oxygen. If that is not enough, use a “Bi-Pap” machine, which pushes air into the lungs more forcefully. If that fails, move to a ventilator, which takes over the patient’s breathing. However, these procedures tend to fail with COVID-19 patients. Physicians found that by the time they reached that last step, it was
Alberto Mendoza figures that he can make it a couple of weeks on unemployment benefits before starting to decide which bills cannot be paid. The 26-year-old father of three lost his job training cooks when all the local restaurants started closing their doors and laying off staff. “I have to pay rent, my truck bills; I have three children to support,” he said. Mendoza is among thousands in Laredo, Texas, along the southern US border, who are teetering on the edge of financial ruin as the coronavirus pandemic takes hold — even though Laredo has seen no deaths and confirmed just 22