Former Judicial Yuan president Lai In-jaw (賴英照) is widely considered to be knowledgeable and honest. Many were surprised when he tendered his resignation in the wake of allegations of corruption among Taiwan High Court judges, a decision that met with much public displeasure.
Reflecting this surprise, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Lo Shu-lei (羅淑蕾) said: “If the Judicial Yuan president had to resign to take responsibility for [alleged] corruption among his subordinates, then why didn’t National Police Agency Director-General Wang Cho-chiun (王卓鈞) have to resign for police corruption [in Taichung City]?”
It’s a little bit like the ancient Chinese law that punished the family and friends of an offender, according to which both Premier Wu Dun-yih (吳敦義) and Minister of the Interior Jiang Yi-huah (江宜樺), as Wang’s immediate supervisors, should also be held responsible.
Lo also said: “Discipline within Taiwan’s military has long been chaotic, but no national defense minister has resigned to take responsibility. As for the alleged corruption, why didn’t the Control Yuan, which is charged with monitoring the government, see the problem earlier? Doesn’t that mean Control Yuan President Wang Chien-shien (王建煊) should resign? Surely the same standard should apply to all officials, regardless of political affiliation.”
However, Lo appears to have conveniently overlooked other recent scandals, such as why Minister of Transportation and Communications, Mao Chi-kuo (毛治國), wasn’t punished for the recent scandals at Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport.
Another issue is Miaoli County Government’s controversial expropriation of farmland in Dapu Borough (大埔), Jhunan Township (竹南), where Jiang, Council of Agriculture Minister Chen Wu-hsiung (陳武雄) and other officials have said only that they will act in accordance with the law. In contrast, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and Premier Wu seem to only be concerned by the political ramifications, demanding the KMT County Commissioner, Liu Cheng-hung (劉政鴻), listen more to the protesters.
In theory, the culture of the judicial system differs from that of other governmental heirarchies because the Judicial Yuan president has no authority to investigate the wrongdoings of judges. Meanwhile, judges issue their verdicts independently and without interference and most demonstrate mutual respect by not meddling in each others cases.
This has been the practice for years. Whenever alleged corruption or misconduct occurs within the judiciary, the Ministry of Justice or a special investigation team under the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office handles the case.
In recent years, scandals involving prosecutors have been frequent. Take the recent case for example. Prosecutor Chiu Mao-jung (邱茂榮), along with three judges, have been detained on suspicion of corruption. However, Minister of Justice Tseng Yung-fu (曾勇夫) has not taken any responsibility. Ma and Wu simply expressed their deep disappointment and reaffirmed their determination to punish those involved, announcing the establishment of an anti-corruption agency under the Ministry of Justice. Ma has also pledged to build a clean and capable government, yet today his administration is neither.
Over the last two years there has been a palpable sense that the Ma administration is coming apart at the seams and its pursuit of justice has failed in the face of a seemingly endless list of corruption cases. Ma and other key officials have not, however, taken responsibility or apologized for this. Instead, they have passed the buck telling others to step down and making every effort to redirect attention. Former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) corruption scandals, for example, have been continually used as something to hide behind.
Raela Tosh, daughter of World Uyghur Congress president Rebiya Kadeer, who visited Taiwan earlier this month, said that, “In an authoritarian country, you need to convince the government, but in a free country, it’s more important to convince the people.”
What I would like to know is how Ma intends to convince the people of Taiwan.
Lu I-ming is former publisher and president of Taiwan’s Shin Sheng Daily News.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
The Ministry of the Interior, working with the navy and coast guard, is organizing Taiwan’s first joint exercise simulating escort tankers carrying liquefied natural gas (LNG) and oil through a Chinese blockade. The drills simulate fuel transport along three maritime corridors leading toward Japan, the Philippines and the US. Deputy Minister of the Interior Sawyer Mars (馬士元) said that a blockade of the Taiwan Strait would amount to “almost a 100 percent blockade of the regional energy supply.” Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo said planning to counter a blockade is standard practice in Taipei. While the exercise is limited in
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
I first met Professor Ray Jiing (井迎瑞) as a film and documentary student at Shih Hsin University’s (SHU) Department of Radio Television and Film in 1988. The following year, he went on to become the director of the Chinese Taipei Film Archive — forerunner of the Taiwan Film and Audiovisual Institute (TFAI). Over his eight-year tenure, Jiing rescued and restored over 200 classic Taiwanese films. In 1997, he established the Graduate Institute of Studies in Documentary and Film Archiving at Tainan National University of the Arts (TNNUA), and I joined the program in his third cohort of students. Beyond a