The apartment where I live in Chiayi City is just a few kilometers away from one of the country’s Air Force bases, where with F-16s practice take-offs and landings seven days a week, flying high and swift above the Chianan Plain with an ear-piercing roar. I don’t mind the sound of the fighter jets taking off early in the morning or even late at night, because I know that Taiwan’s Air Force plays a vital role in the defense of the nation.
These thoughts came to mind after reading an article by J. Michael Cole (“China lobbying provokes freeze on US arms sales,” June 30, page 1) that noted in a subhead that “while the risks of retaliation from Beijing remains ambiguous, the US is taking them seriously and as a consequence sales of arms have been frozen.”
Cole wrote that the president of the US-Taiwan Business Council had confirmed a recent report in a US-based defense magazine that the State Department has frozen congressional notifications for new arms sales to Taiwan “until at least spring next year.”
The suspension is the direct result of “effective lobbying by Beijing,” Cole said.
Now Taiwan and China have signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) things might be looking up, as some economists say or things might spiral downward, as other pundits opine. I’m not an economist or a pundit, but I am hoping for the best, come what may.
Nevertheless, whenever I hear the F-16s in Chiayi whizzing by in the skies above my home, sometimes a single plane set against the blue sky, but on occasions two, three or even four planes flying together, I think to myself: “God forbid a war should ever break out between Taiwan and China.”
I hope the ECFA leads to peace across the Taiwan Strait and not to you know what.
Some people think there could be a war someday between Taiwan and China, and that Taiwan is unprepared and ill-equipped.
Wendell Minnick, writing for Jane’s Defence Weekly several years ago, said that, in his opinion as a military analyst, “Taiwan’s air force has enough munitions to last only for two days in a war with China.”
Minnick went even further in his observations, suggesting that if Taiwan remained unprepared and under-equipped, “in a war with China, China will rape Taiwan.”
I hope that the Air Force base in Chiayi will remain vigilant and ever alert and I hope that the governments of Taiwan and China will try to make peace someday, although I think that realistically we will have to wait for the future democratization of the People’s Republic of China and the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party before that ever happens.
In the meantime, on any given day in quiet, rural Chiayi, where large farms predominate and the landscape is dotted with silent temples and rice paddies, one can hear the roar of the F-16s taking off and flying overhead on regular practice runs.
The sound of the roaring jet engines is reassuring, because I know that the young men piloting these sleek, powerful planes are training to defend their homeland and keep us all safe.
Dan Bloom is a freelance writer in Taiwan.
Having lived through former British prime minister Boris Johnson’s tumultuous and scandal-ridden administration, the last place I had expected to come face-to-face with “Mr Brexit” was in a hotel ballroom in Taipei. Should I have been so surprised? Over the past few years, Taiwan has unfortunately become the destination of choice for washed-up Western politicians to turn up long after their political careers have ended, making grandiose speeches in exchange for extraordinarily large paychecks far exceeding the annual salary of all but the wealthiest of Taiwan’s business tycoons. Taiwan’s pursuit of bygone politicians with little to no influence in their home
In a recent essay, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” a former adviser to US President Donald Trump, Christian Whiton, accuses Taiwan of diplomatic incompetence — claiming Taipei failed to reach out to Trump, botched trade negotiations and mishandled its defense posture. Whiton’s narrative overlooks a fundamental truth: Taiwan was never in a position to “win” Trump’s favor in the first place. The playing field was asymmetrical from the outset, dominated by a transactional US president on one side and the looming threat of Chinese coercion on the other. From the outset of his second term, which began in January, Trump reaffirmed his
It is difficult not to agree with a few points stated by Christian Whiton in his article, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” and yet the main idea is flawed. I am a Polish journalist who considers Taiwan her second home. I am conservative, and I might disagree with some social changes being promoted in Taiwan right now, especially the push for progressiveness backed by leftists from the West — we need to clean up our mess before blaming the Taiwanese. However, I would never think that those issues should dominate the West’s judgement of Taiwan’s geopolitical importance. The question is not whether
In 2025, it is easy to believe that Taiwan has always played a central role in various assessments of global national interests. But that is a mistaken belief. Taiwan’s position in the world and the international support it presently enjoys are relatively new and remain highly vulnerable to challenges from China. In the early 2000s, the George W. Bush Administration had plans to elevate bilateral relations and to boost Taiwan’s defense. It designated Taiwan as a non-NATO ally, and in 2001 made available to Taiwan a significant package of arms to enhance the island’s defenses including the submarines it long sought.