During his visit to the disaster areas in the wake of Typhoon Morakot, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) was quoted as saying, “But I’m here now, aren’t I?” Such a reaction shows the Ma administration’s aloofness and lack of empathy for disaster victims.
Since the typhoon wreaked havoc in southern Taiwan, we have witnessed the incompetence of Ma and his government and their attempts to shirk responsibility on various occasions.
Ma used to be able to easily answer questions from Taiwanese reporters, sometimes throwing in a corny joke. If reporters had the audacity to ask more challenging questions, they would immediately become targets of criticism, as if they had been disrespectful of the great leader.
Ma gave an exclusive interview to a BBC reporter during a visit to Britain a few years ago. When he was bombarded with questions and was unable to hold his own, Ma resorted to telling the well-prepared reporter that he “was not very familiar with Chinese affairs and Taiwanese affairs.” The problem was that not many Taiwanese saw this interview.
During a recent press conference, however, the public finally was able to see the assertiveness of foreign correspondents and Ma’s inability to cope with them.
US sociologist Todd Gitlin’s 1980 book The Whole World is Watching has had a huge influence on mass media and social movements. With the popularity of TV in US households, the public was able to see police brutality on TV as early as the student movements in 1968. Although he criticized media outlets for tending to cover certain stories and promote heroism, which was unfavorable to the development of social movements, Gitlin said the media did help publicize certain issues.
Most people in the world have ready access to news about various unkind, unfair and unjust incidents and individuals through mass media. In 1992, a video clip showing white policemen beating up a black man was widely broadcast in the US, triggering riots in Los Angeles.
We can thus assert that if the media had not shown the footage of the four workers washed way while waiting to be rescued in Bajhang Creek (八掌溪) in July 2000, the Democratic Progressive Party, which had just assumed power, would not have apologized so profusely to the public and replaced its vice premier.
Hundreds of people were washed away in the floods following Morakot because of the indifference, arrogance and incompetence of government officials. Although TV cameras failed to capture footage of Siaolin Township being wiped out by mudslides, the whole world was able to see the hypocrisy of Ma and his subordinates during the international press conference on TV.
Now everyone should yell to Ma: “We’ve all seen your incompetence!”
Chi Chun-chieh is a professor in the Institute of Ethnic Relations at National Dong Hwa University.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Media said that several pan-blue figures — among them former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairwoman Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), former KMT legislator Lee De-wei (李德維), former KMT Central Committee member Vincent Hsu (徐正文), New Party Chairman Wu Cheng-tien (吳成典), former New Party legislator Chou chuan (周荃) and New Party Deputy Secretary-General You Chih-pin (游智彬) — yesterday attended the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) military parade commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. China’s Xinhua news agency reported that foreign leaders were present alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean leader Kim
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had