The US government is now permitting 10 of the US’ biggest banks to repay about US$70 billion of the capital injected into them last fall.
This decision followed the banks having passed the so-called “stress tests” of their financial viability, which the US Treasury demanded, and the success of some of them in raising the additional capital that the tests suggested they needed.
Many people have inferred from this sequence of events that US banks — which are critical to both the US and world economies — are now out of trouble.
But that inference is seriously mistaken.
In fact, the US stress tests didn’t attempt to estimate the losses that banks have suffered on many of the “toxic assets” that have been at the heart of the financial crisis.
Nevertheless, the US model is catching on.
In a meeting this month, finance ministers of G8 countries agreed to follow the US and perform stress tests on their banks.
But, if the results of such tests are to be reliable, they should avoid the US tests’ fundamental flaw.
TOXIC
Until recently, much of the US government’s focus has been on the toxic assets clogging banks’ balance sheets.
Although accounting rules often permit banks to price these assets at face value, it is generally believed that the fundamental value of many toxic assets has fallen significantly below face value.
The administration of US President Barack Obama came out with a plan to spend up to US$1 trillion to buy banks’ toxic assets, but the plan has been put on hold.
STRESS TEST
It might have been hoped that the bank supervisors who stress-tested the banks would try to estimate the size of the banks’ losses on toxic assets.
Instead, supervisors estimated only losses that banks can be expected to incur on loans (and other assets) that will come to maturity by the end of next year.
They chose to ignore any losses that banks will suffer on loans that will mature after next year.
Thus, the tests did not take into account a big part of the economic damage that the crisis imposed on banks.
Although we don’t yet have an estimate of the economic losses the stress tests have chosen to ignore, they may be substantial.
A recent report by Deutsche Bank, for example, shows that borrowers will have difficulty refinancing hundreds of billions of dollars of commercial real estate loans that will mature after next year.
Rather than estimate the economic value of banks’ assets — what the assets would fetch in a well-functioning market — and the extent to which they exceed liabilities, the stress tests merely sought to verify that the banks’ accounting losses over the next two years will not exhaust their capital as recorded in their books.
As long as banks are permitted to operate this way, the banks’ supervisors are betting on the banks’ ability to earn their way out of their current problems — even if the value of their assets doesn’t now significantly exceed their liabilities.
But doesn’t the banks’ ability to raise new equity capital indicate that, regardless of whether the stress tests are reliable, investors believe that their assets’ value does significantly exceed their liabilities?
LIABILITIES
Not at all. Consider a bank with liabilities of US$1 billion.
Suppose that the bank has assets with long maturity and a face value of US$1.2 billion, but whose current economic value is only US$1 billion.
Although the value of the bank’s assets doesn’t exceed its liabilities, depositors won’t flee as long as the government backs the bank by guaranteeing its deposits.
UNAVOIDABLE
If in two years the bank’s assets have a 50-50 chance of appreciating to US$1.2 billion or declining to US$800 million, the bank will be able to raise new equity capital: New investors will be willing to pay for the prospect of sharing in the excess of the value of assets over obligations if things turn out well.
To get a good picture of banks’ financial health, estimating the value of their toxic assets is unavoidable.
Regulators could encourage each bank to sell part of its toxic portfolio and extrapolate the portfolio’s value from the price obtained in such a sale, or they could attempt to estimate the portfolio’s value as well as they can on their own.
Either way, the true value of banks’ toxic assets must be estimated before concluding that banks are armed with sufficient capital to carry out their critical roles.
The kind of stress tests that the US conducted, and that other countries are being urged to emulate — and the ability of banks to raise additional equity capital — cannot provide a basis for such a conclusion.
Lucian Bebchuk is professor of law, economics and finance, and director of the Program on Corporate Governance at Harvard Law School.
COPYRIGHT: PROJECT SYNDICATE
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing
A group of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers led by the party’s legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (?) are to visit Beijing for four days this week, but some have questioned the timing and purpose of the visit, which demonstrates the KMT caucus’ increasing arrogance. Fu on Wednesday last week confirmed that following an invitation by Beijing, he would lead a group of lawmakers to China from Thursday to Sunday to discuss tourism and agricultural exports, but he refused to say whether they would meet with Chinese officials. That the visit is taking place during the legislative session and in the aftermath