At the close of the third round of talks between Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) Chairman Chiang Pin-kung (江丙坤) and Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) late last month, Chen urged Chiang to “keep going.”
In an apparent response to Chen’s exhortation, an advertisement with the headline “Taiwanese people need Chairman Chiang Pin-kung” was printed, undersigned “chairpersons of Taiwan business associations throughout China.”
The ad seemed to target President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九). These associations, whose formation Chen has promoted during his tenures as director of the Taiwan Affairs Office and chairman of ARATS, proved very effective on this occasion. Ma quickly appeared on television, urging Chiang to stay in his post. The next day, Ma paid a rare visit to Chiang at the SEF office, accompanied by National Security Council Secretary-General Su Chi (蘇起). Begging Chiang not to resign, Ma’s apologetic attitude betrayed the extent to which he acts at Beijing’s beck and call.
Chiang made a big show of tendering his resignation precisely because he knows Ma dare not touch him — especially with Chiang and Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) forming a united front.
Wu assailed Ma’s party allies, saying: “People spreading rumors are scoundrels. I warn you not to push people like Chiang and me against the wall.”
Whether or not Ma makes a bid for the KMT chairmanship next month, Wu is scheduled to lead a delegation to China at that time. Ma, intimidated into silence, dared not mention criticism about conflicts of interest involving the Chinese business ties of members of Chiang’s family, nor their purchase of a luxury villa in the US. Instead, Ma praised Chiang’s contributions to the nation.
With such a timorous president, it is hard to know whether to laugh or cry. The unabashed Chiang promised to prioritize national interests and do whatever needed to be done. In the end, Ma came out playing second fiddle to a more confident Chiang.
Cross-strait relations have developed a great deal over the past five years, from the KMT-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) platform to the recent talks between the SEF and ARATS.
Let us remember that Chiang is also first deputy chairman of the KMT. It is evident that the CCP has connections throughout Taiwan’s political parties, government, business and media and knows the various factions like the back of its hand.
Taiwanese businesspeople in China are simply hostages.
The CCP can slowly extend its influence over Taiwan unbeknownst to the Taiwanese. China no longer needs to resort to military means to impose its will on Taiwan. The most recent example was at the World Health Assembly, where Taiwan will now need China’s approval each year to be invited to the assembly.
China has killed two birds with one stone: It need not worry about another transfer of power in Taiwan.
The SEF is an important player in cross-strait exchanges, but the whole organization, including its leadership, is in the hands of the CCP. This was illustrated by Beijing’s behind-the-scenes support for Chiang. At the same time, Ma is accelerating his rapprochement with China.
As time goes on, China is intervening more brazenly in the appointment of senior Taiwanese officials, as at the SEF. Beijing no longer needs to rely on threats to move Taiwan toward unification, because Taiwan’s democratically elected president is looking increasingly like a puppet.
Lu I-ming is the former publisher and president of the Taiwan Shin Sheng Daily.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials
“Can you tell me where the time and motivation will come from to get students to improve their English proficiency in four years of university?” The teacher’s question — not accusatory, just slightly exasperated — was directed at the panelists at the end of a recent conference on English language learning at Taiwanese universities. Perhaps thankfully for the professors on stage, her question was too big for the five minutes remaining. However, it hung over the venue like an ominous cloud on an otherwise sunny-skies day of research into English as a medium of instruction and the government’s Bilingual Nation 2030