March is a significant month for Taiwan in many ways. Taiwan’s first presidential election, its first handover of power from one party to another and its first nationwide referendum all happened in March.
March of this year marks the 19th anniversary of the Wild Lilies student movement (野百合學運), the 13th anniversary of the Taiwan Strait missile crisis and the fourth anniversary of the enactment of China’s “Anti-Secession” Law.
These anniversaries represent the course of the Taiwanese people’s struggle for democracy and peace, their refusal to be intimidated by China and their brave determination to defend Taiwan.
March is also an unforgettable month for Tibetans. Fifty years ago, the Chinese government tore up its 17-point agreement with Tibet and sent in its army. Amid the bloodshed, many Tibetans fled abroad, never to return to their homeland.
China has never ceased its oppression in Tibet during the following five decades. A year ago, serious unrest erupted in Lhasa, the truth about which remains unclear. Indeed, for Tibetans, March is a month of harsh and painful memories.
Tibetan blood, tears and pain should serve as a warning to Taiwan that, when confronted with an oppressive power, compromise and concessions will not bring peace.
Four years ago, China enacted its “Anti-Secession” Law, specifying at what time and under what conditions China would use armed force against Taiwan. The passage of this law was a blatant attempt to intimidate the Taiwanese.
At the time, I was chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party. Determined to protest in the strongest terms against China’s threats and to make Taiwan’s voice heard around the world, our party joined 500 civic groups to launch a major demonstration.
Demonstrators converged on downtown Taipei along 10 routes — 40km altogether. One million people answered the call to take part, marching shoulder-to-shoulder and shouting, “democracy, peace, defend Taiwan,” sentiments that were heard and understood all around the world. The following year, I was appointed premier.
During my premiership, I declared that March 14 each year would be “Anti-Aggression Day” as an expression of the Taiwanese people’s determination not to tolerate aggression by their powerful neighbor.
Other parties, however, took a different attitude. At the very time that our country was being threatened, former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and People First Party Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) chose to visit China, thereby helping Beijing to give the world a false impression of detente across the Taiwan Strait.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), who was at the time mayor of Taipei, publicly criticized me for organizing a mass demonstration against China’s “Anti-Secession” Law, calling it a “provocation,” and he downplayed the size of the protest, claiming that only 270,000 people joined the march.
Every key point in history serves as a test of people’s words and actions.
Last year, four days before ballots were cast in the presidential election, Ma proclaimed six points of solemn protest against China’s bloody suppression of Tibetans following unrest in Lhasa.
Ma denounced Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶) as “arbitrary, unreasonable, arrogant and foolish,” and said that if China continued its oppression in Tibet, he would not rule out boycotting the Beijing Olympics.
Ma appeared to be taking a strong moral stance in condemning China and supporting Tibet.
Two-and-a-half months after Ma took office as president, it was a different story.
In its Handbook for Spectators at the Beijing Olympics, the Sports Affairs Council warned Taiwanese who went to watch the Games in Beijing not to take national flags into the sports venues, as to do so would be in breach of Chinese laws.
Later, when asked by a foreign journalist about the Dalai Lama’s declared wish to visit Taiwan, Ma ruled out such a visit, saying that the timing was inappropriate.
This year marks the 50th anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising. Ordinary Taiwanese sympathizing with the Tibetans have organized several activities in support of Tibet.
Ma, however, has not uttered so much as a word of support.
KMT Legislator Wu Yu-sheng (吳育升), a favorite of Ma, went so far as to propose in his draft Memorial Days and Festivals Act (國定紀念日與節日法) to remove Mar. 14, Anti-Aggression Day, from the list of official memorial days.
Ma’s silence in the face of China’s hegemony and oppression is a cause for disappointment among Tibetans and anger among Taiwanese.
In this month of March, let’s pray for Tibet and resolve to fight for Taiwan.
Despite our disappointment and anger, we have many tasks before us.
We have a long way to go in defending Taiwan.
As long as we choose the right road and keep walking, we will surely reach our goal.
Let’s move forward together.
Su Tseng-chang is a former premier.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
Congratulations to China’s working class — they have officially entered the “Livestock Feed 2.0” era. While others are still researching how to achieve healthy and balanced diets, China has already evolved to the point where it does not matter whether you are actually eating food, as long as you can swallow it. There is no need for cooking, chewing or making decisions — just tear open a package, add some hot water and in a short three minutes you have something that can keep you alive for at least another six hours. This is not science fiction — it is reality.
A foreign colleague of mine asked me recently, “What is a safe distance from potential People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Rocket Force’s (PLARF) Taiwan targets?” This article will answer this question and help people living in Taiwan have a deeper understanding of the threat. Why is it important to understand PLA/PLARF targeting strategy? According to RAND analysis, the PLA’s “systems destruction warfare” focuses on crippling an adversary’s operational system by targeting its networks, especially leadership, command and control (C2) nodes, sensors, and information hubs. Admiral Samuel Paparo, commander of US Indo-Pacific Command, noted in his 15 May 2025 Sedona Forum keynote speech that, as
In a world increasingly defined by unpredictability, two actors stand out as islands of stability: Europe and Taiwan. One, a sprawling union of democracies, but under immense pressure, grappling with a geopolitical reality it was not originally designed for. The other, a vibrant, resilient democracy thriving as a technological global leader, but living under a growing existential threat. In response to rising uncertainties, they are both seeking resilience and learning to better position themselves. It is now time they recognize each other not just as partners of convenience, but as strategic and indispensable lifelines. The US, long seen as the anchor
Kinmen County’s political geography is provocative in and of itself. A pair of islets running up abreast the Chinese mainland, just 20 minutes by ferry from the Chinese city of Xiamen, Kinmen remains under the Taiwanese government’s control, after China’s failed invasion attempt in 1949. The provocative nature of Kinmen’s existence, along with the Matsu Islands off the coast of China’s Fuzhou City, has led to no shortage of outrageous takes and analyses in foreign media either fearmongering of a Chinese invasion or using these accidents of history to somehow understand Taiwan. Every few months a foreign reporter goes to
RSS