The Taipei Society recently published a report titled Deconstructing the New One-Party State (解構新黨國) that admonishes President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and his administration on issues including the economy, sovereignty, human rights and government.
The report makes 10 suggestions, one of which is replacing the premier. It asserts that Ma’s government has been incompetent in dealing with a series of domestic and international economic crises that have hit Taiwan since its accession seven months ago, while the number of unemployed has reached at least 500,000, making Taiwan’s unemployment rate the highest among the Four Asian Tigers.
The Taiwan Society calls Ma’s regime a “new one-party state” because, with its complete control of the state apparatus, the government has restricted the public’s freedoms of assembly and parade, infringed on judicial rights and suppressed freedom of speech, while at the same time leaning heavily toward the autocratic Chinese regime. All in all, Taiwan’s state and society are regressing in many ways.
The “new one-party state” is fundamentally no different from the old one-party state that controlled Taiwan under dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and his son Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) after World War II. Just like the Chiangs, the Ma regime has used police brutality against dissidents and manipulated the judiciary, while the media assist the government in brainwashing the public and hounding the ruling party’s political enemies. Moreover, the Ma regime is controlled by a minority, just as the old one was.
While the past dictatorship allocated government jobs according to birthplace, the majority of posts in Ma’s Cabinet are held by Mainlanders, although they account for only 14 percent of Taiwan’s population. The 228 Incident and White Terror of yesteryear were examples of ethnic politics, and so are the policies of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) now that it has returned to power under the guise of democratic elections.
However, the old and new one-party states are not equal in quality of performance. Although under the old regime the legislature was accused of being a mere department of Cabinet, at least the formality of legislative review did take place. Last month, however, when Taiwan’s Straits Exchange Foundation signed four agreements on direct cross-strait transport links with its Chinese counterpart, the legislature was not even allowed to function as a rubber stamp.
In terms of competence, the old regime oversaw Taiwan’s industrialization and steady economic growth and guided it through energy and financial crises. In contrast, the Ma administration has proved its incompetence by implementing unrealistic economic policies that have led to an economic downturn and provoked widespread public discontent after just a few months of government. Now that the global financial storm has arrived, there is even greater cause for worry.
It can be said that the new one-party state has not inherited the old regime’s competence in running the country, but it matches the Chiang regime in its willingness to use police-state methods to keep the people under control.
Above all, the old one-party state kept to its anti-communist principles and aligned itself with advanced countries like the US and Japan. As a result, through the great efforts of its own people and under benign foreign influence, Taiwan’s economy and politics advanced, and democracy and prosperity were finally achieved.
In contrast, the Ma government’s insidious intentions and pro-China policies have led to a rapid economic meltdown and set back Taiwan’s democratic development. This government has abandoned the “three-noes” policy of the old regime — no negotiation, no contact with and no concessions to China — even to the extent of ordering national flags to be taken down during the visit of Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin (陳雲林), and again upon the arrival of the two giant pandas from China.
All things considered, the performance of the new one-party state must have Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo turning in their graves.
Lu Shih-hsiang is an adviser to the Taipei Times.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
Taiwan is rapidly accelerating toward becoming a “super-aged society” — moving at one of the fastest rates globally — with the proportion of elderly people in the population sharply rising. While the demographic shift of “fewer births than deaths” is no longer an anomaly, the nation’s legal framework and social customs appear stuck in the last century. Without adjustments, incidents like last month’s viral kicking incident on the Taipei MRT involving a 73-year-old woman would continue to proliferate, sowing seeds of generational distrust and conflict. The Senior Citizens Welfare Act (老人福利法), originally enacted in 1980 and revised multiple times, positions older
Taiwan’s business-friendly environment and science parks designed to foster technology industries are the key elements of the nation’s winning chip formula, inspiring the US and other countries to try to replicate it. Representatives from US business groups — such as the Greater Phoenix Economic Council, and the Arizona-Taiwan Trade and Investment Office — in July visited the Hsinchu Science Park (新竹科學園區), home to Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co’s (TSMC) headquarters and its first fab. They showed great interest in creating similar science parks, with aims to build an extensive semiconductor chain suitable for the US, with chip designing, packaging and manufacturing. The
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has its chairperson election tomorrow. Although the party has long positioned itself as “China friendly,” the election is overshadowed by “an overwhelming wave of Chinese intervention.” The six candidates vying for the chair are former Taipei mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌), former lawmaker Cheng Li-wen (鄭麗文), Legislator Luo Chih-chiang (羅智強), Sun Yat-sen School president Chang Ya-chung (張亞中), former National Assembly representative Tsai Chih-hong (蔡志弘) and former Changhua County comissioner Zhuo Bo-yuan (卓伯源). While Cheng and Hau are front-runners in different surveys, Hau has complained of an online defamation campaign against him coming from accounts with foreign IP addresses,
When Taiwan High Speed Rail Corp (THSRC) announced the implementation of a new “quiet carriage” policy across all train cars on Sept. 22, I — a classroom teacher who frequently takes the high-speed rail — was filled with anticipation. The days of passengers videoconferencing as if there were no one else on the train, playing videos at full volume or speaking loudly without regard for others finally seemed numbered. However, this battle for silence was lost after less than one month. Faced with emotional guilt from infants and anxious parents, THSRC caved and retreated. However, official high-speed rail data have long