The recent incident involving Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait Vice Chairman Zhang Mingqing (張銘清) being mobbed in Tainan allowed many people in Taiwan to gain an understanding of just what exactly is meant by “journalism based on the one country, two systems model.”
Zhang studied journalism and worked as a journalist for more than a decade before taking up a post in the Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) of China’s State Council, where he also served for more than a decade. When he was appointed dean of the new School of Journalism and Communication at Xiamen University in June last year, he proposed his theory of “journalism based on the one country, two systems model,” which he had conceived more than a decade earlier. “Journalism based on the one country, two systems model” should be classified as part of the overall “one country, two systems” formula.
However, the Chinese and the Taiwanese have different ideas about the media and it is therefore very difficult to have an environment beneficial to the implementation of the “one country, two systems” formula.”
The incident in Tainan has provided the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait with a perfect opportunity to examine the issue of “journalism based on the one country, two systems model” in more depth. It is quite easy to see how Zhang applied this theory during his visit.
First, let us look at Zhang, for his words and actions are a perfect example of the workings of his theory. During his time as TAO spokesman, Zhang made comments that could almost be considered threats against Taiwan. However, after he arrived in Taiwan, and especially after the Tainan incident, Zhang had to be “different” and had to try to gain the recognition and acceptance of the Taiwanese. This worked, for the teary speech Zhang gave at the airport as he was leaving did manage to win some warmth and understanding from Taiwanese.
Second, we should consider whether this incident was an overflow of emotion on behalf of those worried about Taiwan’s sovereignty being sacrificed or whether it was a straight out act of violence that brought shame upon Taiwan and its democracy. Taiwanese media have shown no change, with different news channels giving totally different explanations of the same footage, with some TV stations focusing on what they view as “violent” acts of those with different political opinions.
However, Zhang made his thoughts clear when he said: “I believe those who behaved violently do not represent Tainan residents or the 23 million people of Taiwan.”
The Chinese media said last Wednesday that “such incidents should be regarded as normal in a diverse society,” a marked change in values compared with the China of the past.
Earlier this year, a book on the media in post-1997 Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” model, titled Xianggang zai yiguoliangzhi xia de xinwen shengtai (香港在一國兩制下的新聞生態) was published. The book showed the media in Hong Kong is now facing unprecedented challenges in terms of freedom of the press and the government’s control and use of the media.
Legislative Council member Leung Kwok-hung (梁國雄) once said that he was most worried about the people of Hong Kong having to be happy “slaves” that had to forget their most basic dignities and values.
I believe that Taiwanese and everyone involved in the media here believe in freedom of the press. I also believe that we will never be able to stand for a “one country, two systems” basis for the media, which would harm our most basic dignities and values.
Lillian Wang is an associate professor in the Graduate Institute of Journalism at National Taiwan University.
TRANSLATED BY DREW CAMERON
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry