After having served as Taiwan's ambassador to Gambia and representative to the UK for a total of six years, I had been back in Taiwan for less than a month when I saw the campaigns for applying for UN membership under the name "Taiwan" by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the one for returning to the UN and other international organizations under any practical name by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT).
After the whole process of promoting the campaigns, and the 500,000 people from all over the country mobilized to show their determination for the referendums on Sept. 15, the diplomatic impact and consequences at home and abroad have been among the strongest in 50 years of diplomatic history of Taiwan. I believe that these events will lead to quantitative and qualitative changes in the relations between Taiwan and the US, the US and China and China and Taiwan.
Diplomatic relations are a process of conflicts, compromises and concessions. This does not mean that relations on each side of this triangle will be much better now because of the success of the DPP and KMT campaigns for their UN referendums.
On the contrary, there might be even more issues that need to be talked about and solved by compromise, and the government should prepare appropriate measures to deal with this, to be able to face difficulties that might arise in the future.
As US Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Thomas Christensen said, Taiwan and the US are strategic partners in the safety and stability in East Asia. They rely on each other completely and as long as they trust, communicate with and are tolerant toward each other, there is no problem they cannot solve.
The question is whether the US sees Taiwan as an indispensable strategic partner. If it does, does it give Taiwan a certain amount of respect, or does it see Taiwan as a peon dominated by a strong country that can be sacrificed if necessary?
In my experience as a diplomat, the impact and results of the rallies on Sept. 15 are among the most important events in the last five decades of Taiwanese diplomacy, and this is a great thing.
First, it has internationalized the "Taiwan issue." It is the common consensus of know-ledgeable people in both the ruling and opposition parties that only if the Taiwan issue is internationalized, will Taiwan win international space for its struggle. But the media blockade in China, the US and Europe means the international dignity, democracy and human rights of the 23 million Taiwanese are completely ignored.
After the rallies on Sept. 15, Taiwan's international dignity and the unfairness that the country encounters are finally meeting with some reaction and sympathy.
Second, Taiwan has become a difficult issue for China and the US. In the past, Taiwan has been depicted as a little baby, trampled into the ground by many elephants. We cried out, only to be trampled even more viciously, until we couldn't cry anymore.
Nowadays, we can finally give a voice to our agony, but the problem has still not been solved. We know Taiwan's plan for solving the problem, but what are the plans of China and the US? Do these involve sitting down and peacefully negotiating with each other ? We'll have to wait and see.
Third, this finally does away with the "one China" policy and the myth that "Taiwan is a province of China." In the past, the KMT has always tacitly approved of the "one China" principle with declarations of the fairy tale that "Taiwan is a province of China."
The recent DPP and KMT campaigns and the rallies on Sept. 15 have exposed the lies of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon about Resolution 2758, which was adopted in 1971.
Fourth, Taiwan has won the respect and praise of democratic countries all over the world. The recent campaigns have attracted the attention of the international media and many organizations reported on it. In the joy of democracy, the 23 million people of Taiwan have shown their dignity as a peace-loving people who fight for their rights and interests, and this has been shown beyond doubt.
Fifth, Taiwan respectfully demands an improvement of Taiwan-US relations. Now that it has seen this manifestation of the collective will of the Taiwanese, the US must institutionalize channels for high-level communication. Trying to stay on a good footing with China in the short term only serves to accelerate China's economic and military rise, and in the end this will hurt the US.
Since Taiwan is an indispensable strategic partner of the US, we have to demand an improvement of Taiwan-US relations. The recent campaigns for the UN referendums show that the Taiwanese cannot accept the current status of Taiwan-US relations anymore.
Edgar Lin is chairman of the Coordination Commission of North American Affairs.
Translated by Anna Stiggelbout
In the US’ National Security Strategy (NSS) report released last month, US President Donald Trump offered his interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. The “Trump Corollary,” presented on page 15, is a distinctly aggressive rebranding of the more than 200-year-old foreign policy position. Beyond reasserting the sovereignty of the western hemisphere against foreign intervention, the document centers on energy and strategic assets, and attempts to redraw the map of the geopolitical landscape more broadly. It is clear that Trump no longer sees the western hemisphere as a peaceful backyard, but rather as the frontier of a new Cold War. In particular,
As the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) races toward its 2027 modernization goals, most analysts fixate on ship counts, missile ranges and artificial intelligence. Those metrics matter — but they obscure a deeper vulnerability. The true future of the PLA, and by extension Taiwan’s security, might hinge less on hardware than on whether the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can preserve ideological loyalty inside its own armed forces. Iran’s 1979 revolution demonstrated how even a technologically advanced military can collapse when the social environment surrounding it shifts. That lesson has renewed relevance as fresh unrest shakes Iran today — and it should
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
On today’s page, Masahiro Matsumura, a professor of international politics and national security at St Andrew’s University in Osaka, questions the viability and advisability of the government’s proposed “T-Dome” missile defense system. Matsumura writes that Taiwan’s military budget would be better allocated elsewhere, and cautions against the temptation to allow politics to trump strategic sense. What he does not do is question whether Taiwan needs to increase its defense capabilities. “Given the accelerating pace of Beijing’s military buildup and political coercion ... [Taiwan] cannot afford inaction,” he writes. A rational, robust debate over the specifics, not the scale or the necessity,