During Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's (
Kyuma's attention-getting remark clearly indicated Japan's confidence in its military strength.
During a conversation with Mamoru Sato, a former lieutenant general who commanded the Southwestern Composite Air Division of the Japanese Air Self-Defense Force, I asked him who would win if war were to break out between Japan and China. His answer was resolute: Japan can annihilate China's air force within one day and destroy its navy within two days.
Based on articles by Japanese military experts Inoue Kazuhiko and Matsumura Tsutoma, I would like to compare Japan's military capabilities with China's.
Japan has 203 F-15Js, a refined F-15K equipped with the most advanced air combat system in the world, and 91 refined F-4EJs and 94 F-2s.
In total, Japan has 388 fighter planes, the second largest air force in the world. Meanwhile, China has 150 Su-27, 120 Su-30 and 60 J-10 -- a total of 330 combat planes.
Like US jet fighter pilots, Japanese pilots must serve a total of 230 flying hours annually. In addition, Japanese airmen usually receive training with US colleagues who have had actual combat experience. Chinese jet fighter pilots receive less than 40 hours of training annually, a far cry from the training of Japanese and US pilots.
In terms of fighter jet engines, US-made engines last for 8,000 hours, Russian-made 1,000 hours, Chinese-made 700 hours.
An F-15J can reach a maximum speed of Mach 2.5, has a battle range of 1,780km and carries four 907kg Joint Direct Attack Munitions, while an F-16 can fly at a maximum speed of Mach 2 and has a battle range of 900km -- narrowly outperformed by Sukhoi fighters.
The F-2 was jointly developed by the US and Japan and is constructed from carbon fiber. It is lightweight and has stronger wings and is overall superior in terms of airworthiness.
In addition, the F-2 is equipped with the same all-around detector and highly sophisticated weapons control radar used in the US navy's Aegis-class destroyers.
In terms of airborne early warning and control aircraft, Japan currently has 13 E-2C aircraft and four E-767s, which is the most advanced of its kind. The US navy still uses the E-707.
The Japanese-made type-90 air-to-air guided missile is very advanced and can make a U-turn if it overshoots the enemy aircraft or submarine.
The US Air Force uses the same missile.
But what about Japan's naval capabilities?
Japan has four US-made Aegis-class destroyers, while the US has 73. Only the US and Japan have this type of vessel.
Second, the Japanese Navy has 53 warships, all of which are stealth. It also has 16 submarines, nine guided missile destroyers and 13 aircraft carrier-style transport vessels that can carry helicopters and hovercraft. This makes Japan the second largest naval power, trailing only the US.
Japan has 96 P-3C maritime patrol aircraft and 97 SH60 helicopters. In the Cold War era, these two types of aircraft recorded a lot of submarine voice prints, allowing them to deal with present-day underwater warfare.
China has 20 diesel-powered and 22 nuclear-powered submarines, while Japan has only 16 diesel-powered submarines. However, Hyodo Nisohachi, a Japanese military expert, has pointed out that Chinese submarines make a lot of noise, making it easy to detect their position. Chinese submarines can dive down to 300m and make a rapid emergency dive to 600m, while Japan's and the US' submarines reportedly can dive to 800m and in an emergency dive down to 1,100m.
Last but not least, with the strengthening of the US-Japanese military alliance, I don't believe China would dare attack Taiwan.
Huang Shou-li is a former professor at Chung Yuan Christian University.
Translated by Daniel Cheng
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when