It has been almost two-and-a-half years since the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration proposed the arms procurement package.
During this period, the number of Chinese missiles targeting Taiwan has almost doubled, and China has also purchased Sovremenny-class destroyers and Kilo-class submarines from Russia, increasing the military imbalance in the Taiwan Strait.
According to news reports, Beijing has drafted a "seven-day warfare" plan against Taipei. We are obviously on the verge of a crisis. Since the arms purchase was first proposed by the former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government, but approved by US President George W. Bush's administration only after the transition of power, the plan is seven years old. This waste of time is unthinkable.
The divergence in national identification has also contributed to social instability. Not long ago, Minister of Education Tu Cheng-sheng (杜正勝) was even criticized by the legislature for promoting de-Sinicization because he had a single-volume Taiwanese history book made. Some legislators demanded that he resign. "Greater China" thinking still exists in Taiwan's educational circles. As a result, many college students are unfamiliar with our history and geography, even believing that it was the Japanese who bombed Taiwan during World War II when it in fact was the US.
China-leaning "economic integration" is the biggest crisis facing Taiwan. Weak national identity and "Greater China" ideology are Beijing's economic weapons of unification. China has attracted US$300 billion (nearly NT$10 trillion) of investment capital from Taiwan over 15 years of economic engagement, along with technology, management and markets.
As Taiwan's economic growth has slowed, contributing to growing unemployment and public discontent, support has increased for the pan-blue camp. This has resulted in a stronger pro-China media that controls the direction of public opinion.
They have launched fierce attacks on the "no haste, be patient" and "active management" policies while praising direct cross-strait links. Legislators have fought over liberalization of the Statute Governing Relations Between Peoples of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area (兩岸人民關係條例).
In July, the struggle over cross-strait charter flights and the 40-percent ceiling for investment in China at the Conference on Sustaining Taiwan's Economic Development highlighted serious divisions between the pro-Taiwan and pro-China camps. The ideological clash between the camps is chaotic.
The economic infighting is accompanied by political conflict. The pro-blue media strategically uncovered the Sogo gift voucher scandal and the "state affairs fund" scandal, which triggered massive protests on Ketagalan Boulevard starting in September. The "anti-corruption campaign" reached a climax with two major demonstrations on Sept. 15 and Oct. 10, but the force of the campaign has since diminished because of public pressure.
The indictment of first lady Wu Shu-jen (
On Oct. 31, the pan-blue camp's legislators blocked the arms procurement plan for the 62nd time. Some even suggested that the arms procurement bill be tied to the opening of direct cross-strait links. Is the DPP government prepared to sacrifice Taiwan's sovereignty for such a compromise?
Huang Tien-lin is a former national policy adviser to the president. Translated by Eddy Chang
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing
A group of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers led by the party’s legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (?) are to visit Beijing for four days this week, but some have questioned the timing and purpose of the visit, which demonstrates the KMT caucus’ increasing arrogance. Fu on Wednesday last week confirmed that following an invitation by Beijing, he would lead a group of lawmakers to China from Thursday to Sunday to discuss tourism and agricultural exports, but he refused to say whether they would meet with Chinese officials. That the visit is taking place during the legislative session and in the aftermath