The 24 ministers of the new Palestinian government led by the militant Islamic Hamas movement are starting their jobs with empty coffers. Thousands of civil servants and members of the Palestinian security forces are waiting impatiently for their salaries.
Meanwhile, since its unexpected defeat in the Jan. 25 parliamentary elections, the Fatah party of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas waits on the sidelines for Hamas to fail.
For the past more than two months, Hamas leaders have been traveling to neighboring Arab countries pleading for financial assistance. Despite pledges of support, the money has yet to arrive.
The monthly salaries of the Palestinian Authority's 140,000 civil servants and members of the security forces total around US$120 million.
At the Arab League summit in Khartoum last week, Hamas had asked for US$170 million support per month. Conference participants promised US$50 million, a sum Palestinian Prime Minister Ismael Haneya said was "far from enough to solve the crisis."
The suspension of direct aid from the US and EU, as well as Israel's refusal to transfer more than US$50 million a month in custom duties which it collects on behalf of the authority, leave a huge hole in the budget.
"The salaries we get from the Palestinian Authority are our only income," said Khaled Abu Shaban, a 34-year-old civil servant in Gaza City on Thursday. "We don't have any other sources for making a living."
Hamas' cash problem has also made it unable thus far to pay the monthly stipend the Ministry of Prisoners Affairs gives the families of militants jailed in Israel.
"Liars," fumed Rafiq Hamdouna, the head of the Palestinian Prisoners Association, referring to a repeated promise by the Hamas leadership to pay the March allowance "within the next two days."
Hamas has made the prisoners issue a top priority and the difficulty it faces in continuing support to their families is another example of the problems it will have to keep its election promises and meet the expectations of its voters.
Meanwhile in Ramallah, Abbas is seeking to keep more and more authority in his own hands and restore powers to the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), in an attempt to partially bypass the Hamas government and overcome the authority's isolation.
On Wednesday night, he signed a presidential decree bringing the Palestinian border crossings under his control. Officials close to him justified the move by saying the EU threatened to withdraw its monitors from the key Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt in response to Hamas assuming power.
Abbas has also halted a long-promised reform of the security forces -- demanded by the EU and US three years ago but never fully implemented -- which would have brought them all under a single umbrella and under the jurisdiction of the interior minister.
Outgoing Interior Minister Nasser Yousef, a Fatah member, stressed last week that the bulk of the security organizations, including the largest one, the National Security, would remain under the authority of the president. Only the police and several smaller ones which were already under the authority of the interior minister would remain so.
Abbas is also trying to revive the PLO's Political Department headed by Fatah official Farouk Kadoumi, which would then deal with foreign affairs, sources in Fatah say.
Hamas has appointed Mahmoud al-Zahar, considered a radical in the movement, as its foreign minister.
Abbas, elected president a year before the legislative elections, may also want to revive the PLO's National Fund, as an alternative address for financial support, they say.
Although Israel has refused to revive peace talks unless Hamas recognize the Jewish state and renounce violence, the 71-year-old president has also called for talks through the PLO's Negotiations Department, pointing out that it was the PLO which signed the 1993 interim Oslo accords with Israel.
Hamas, however, has refused demands by Abbas and Fatah that it recognize the PLO as the "sole representative of the Palestinian people."
Some analysts say the moves by Abbas to transfer powers to the PLO and his own office go so far as to indicate the establishment of a parallel government.
Minister of Labor Hung Sun-han (洪申翰) on April 9 said that the first group of Indian workers could arrive as early as this year as part of a memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the Taipei Economic and Cultural Center in India and the India Taipei Association. Signed in February 2024, the MOU stipulates that Taipei would decide the number of migrant workers and which industries would employ them, while New Delhi would manage recruitment and training. Employment would be governed by the laws of both countries. Months after its signing, the two sides agreed that 1,000 migrant workers from India would
In recent weeks, Taiwan has witnessed a surge of public anxiety over the possible introduction of Indian migrant workers. What began as a policy signal from the Ministry of Labor quickly escalated into a broader controversy. Petitions gathered thousands of signatures within days, political figures issued strong warnings, and social media became saturated with concerns about public safety and social stability. At first glance, this appears to be a straightforward policy question: Should Taiwan introduce Indian migrant workers or not? However, this framing is misleading. The current debate is not fundamentally about India. It is about Taiwan’s labor system, its
Japan’s imminent easing of arms export rules has sparked strong interest from Warsaw to Manila, Reuters reporting found, as US President Donald Trump wavers on security commitments to allies, and the wars in Iran and Ukraine strain US weapons supplies. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s ruling party approved the changes this week as she tries to invigorate the pacifist country’s military industrial base. Her government would formally adopt the new rules as soon as this month, three Japanese government officials told Reuters. Despite largely isolating itself from global arms markets since World War II, Japan spends enough on its own
On March 31, the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs released declassified diplomatic records from 1995 that drew wide domestic media attention. One revelation stood out: North Korea had once raised the possibility of diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In a meeting with visiting Chinese officials in May 1995, as then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) prepared for a visit to South Korea, North Korean officials objected to Beijing’s growing ties with Seoul and raised Taiwan directly. According to the newly released records, North Korean officials asked why Pyongyang should refrain from developing relations with Taiwan while China and South Korea were expanding high-level