Two years ago the Chinese non-governmental organization (NGO) Green Watershed successfully led a fight to halt construction of hydropower stations along the pristine banks of the Nujiang river.
But its victory was pyrrhic.
While the temporary stay it secured on the power project is still in place, Green Watershed lost it its operating license and its founder Yu Xiaogang (
As the group found, opposing local officials is fraught with risk.
While China has vowed to step up protection of its heavily degraded environment, local politics all too often trump national policy and effective independent policing, environmentalists say.
The group's troubles began two years ago when it called on the central government to review the planned construction of 13 hydropower stations along the Nujiang, one of only two of China's major rivers that still run dam-free.
DAMNING PROJECT
If all dams were to be completed along the river, which is on the UN's list of Protected Areas, they would extend 700km and produce more than 100 billion kilowatts per hour of electricity to feed China's voracious appetite for power.
The Thanlwin, as the river is called in Burmese, originates on the snowy peaks of Tibet, its azure, angry waters wending 2,400km through steep terraced canyons in southwestern China and then Myanmar before emptying into the Andaman Sea.
China's more than 22,000 dams already comprise 46 percent of the world's total, according to the UN Environmental Program (UNEP).
Although the UNEP has given its eco-friendly stamp of approval to many of China's dams projects in the past, environmentalists at Green Watershed argue that damming the Nujiang would damage the local environment, threatening the area's fragile eco-balance as the reservoirs flood fertile land.
New dams could also wipe out fish species whose migration routes to traditional breeding grounds would be blocked, but perhaps more importantly would threaten millions of livelihoods, the group said.
Determined to make the Beijing listen, Yu, who founded Green Watershed in 2002, began to drum up support in the community by letting residents know about plans spearheaded by state-run China Huadian Corp, one of the country's largest power groups.
Yu took residents to Lancan river, known in Southeast Asia as the Mekong, to let them see the impoverishing effects on the populace living around the Manwan dam, a hydro station active since 1993. They also went to Beijing for discussions with the government.
RISING CONCERNS
At the time of the conflict, a confluence of concerns about China's over-investment in industry and the effects of environmental damage wrought by 25 years of heated economic development played into the hands of Green Watershed's campaign.
Increasingly concerned that the nation's economic growth model was environmentally unsustainable -- an issue that was high on the agenda during the National People's Congress -- Beijing began to heed warnings from the State Environmental Protection Agency and NGOs like Yu's.
Premier Wen Jiabao (
Yunnan officials were not amused.
"One deputy governor of Yunnan Province said in a very public occasion that Green Watershed ... had damaged Yunnan's hydropower development plan, and therefore damaged the economic development of the entire province," Yu said.
Their wrath turned on Yu and his employees. Attempts to curtail the organization's influence led to spying, harassment and the revoking of the group's license, he said.
"We've been operating as an unqualified organization for some time, as of a couple of years ago, the government said we were unqualified," Yu said.
HARASSMENT
Officials didn't stop there, however.
"I've been banned from traveling abroad -- they limit my freedom. It's been like this for over one year," Yu said. "Each time I tried police stopped me at the airport. When I asked them why, they just told me there was no reason."
"I can't go to the places that would become reservoirs and I can't get in touch with people living in that region -- the government forbids us to do that," he said.
"They said that we are causing trouble for them by going to those places," he said.
An official from Yunnan Provincial Bureau of Civil Affairs in charge of NGOs refused to comment.
Over the last few years, authorities have looked upon NGOs as somewhat benign organizations that can help the government solve common ills such as prostitution, addiction and domestic violence.
FINE LINE
But Yu's case is a stark reminder of the fine line between aid and interference in business the government deems as exclusively theirs.
"We know what kind of things we can do and what kind of things we can't do," said Wang Yongchen (
"We are now calling for all the procedures to be carried out according to law, but if they [government body] do not want to do it then we can't do anything about it," said Wang, who played major role in getting Wen to suspend the Nujiang project.
Xue Ye (薛野), director of Beijing-based Friend of Nature, which also opposes the Nujiang project, said that Green Watershed's case was typical.
"Actually it is how the local governments usually reacts," Xue said.
"If they say something bad about the government, then the government will punish them," Xue said.
"It's not that Chinese NGOs don't want to adopt a Greenpeace-like approach, it's that China doesn't have the conditions yet," Xue said.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing