A lethal arrest raid, a suicide bombing, fresh land expropriations, a threatening Hamas video: That's the follow-up so far to Israel's historic Gaza pullout.
Rather than seize the moment to jump-start negotiations, Israelis and Palestinians appear to be falling into a familiar pattern of violence and rhetoric. Still, the withdrawal from Jewish settlements in Gaza is of such significance that even the latest spasms are unlikely to torpedo all momentum for peace.
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon won praise for fulfilling his pledge -- in a dramatic, breakneck sweep that ended last week -- to evacuate 8,500 settlers from the Gaza Strip and another 500 from the northern West Bank. Now the Israeli leader wants to send a very clear message that terrorism won't be tolerated and that major West Bank settlement blocs will remain Israeli.
"Israel cannot return to the '67 or '48 borders, because of the settlements," Sharon said in an interview on Monday, referring to Israel's frontiers before it captured Gaza, the West Bank and other lands. "The settlement blocs will remain in sovereign Israel. They are of vital strategic importance."
He added, however, that some other settlements would have to go in a final peace deal.
Sharon's critics say now is the time to capitalize on the goodwill created by the Gaza evacuation, not to flex muscles. Many fear the two sides already have begun to squander a unique historical opportunity. And the recent friction has brought home the pitfalls of trying to get Israelis and Palestinians together after five years of trust-destroying violence.
Both sides say they're still prepared to talk, however. Officials said a meeting is possible between Sharon and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas when the two are in New York this month to address the UN.
And Sharon's withdrawal, ending 38 years of Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip, is likely to have long-lasting ripple effects on peacemaking that could weather some setbacks. With the settlers gone, the army is expected to complete its own pullout in the coming days.
"We understand that Mr. Sharon has to show the Israeli people that he is conceding on one side and strengthening his position on the other," Palestinian chief of staff Rafiq Husseini told reporters. "That worries us, but I think that in the end, justice will have to prevail."
Officials on both sides expressed hope that the pullout would create momentum for a return to Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking. Then, an Israeli arrest raid in the West Bank town of Tulkarem deteriorated into a shootout that killed five Palestinians, and a suicide bombing on Sunday critically wounded two security guards at a bus station in the southern Israeli city of Beersheba.
That bombing came a day after Hamas militants in Gaza released a videotape purportedly showing their top bombmaker, Mohammed Deif, celebrating the Gaza pullout as a victory for armed resistance and threatening more attacks until Israel is destroyed. Deif has been in hiding from Israeli security forces since 1992.
And Israel, just two days after the last Gaza settler was evacuated, announced plans to confiscate Palestinian land around the West Bank's largest Jewish settlement to build a separation barrier that would, in effect, annex it to Jerusalem. Israel also said it would build a police station between the settlement, Maaleh Adumim, and Jerusalem -- another step that alarmed Palestinians.
"In exchange for the evacuation of people who shouldn't have been there in the first place, [Israel] is going to steal more and more Palestinian land," said Diana Buttu, legal adviser to the Palestinian Authority.
Buttu said Israel can't claim that it has ended its occupation of Gaza because it still controls the coastal strip's borders and air and sea space.
But she said an agreement, approved by the Israeli Cabinet last weekend, to have Egypt deploy 750 troops along the Gaza-Egyptian border so that Israel could pull out of the area was "a step in the right direction."
Another promising development occurred on Monday when Palestinian militant groups in Gaza told an Egyptian envoy that they remained committed to a six-month-old truce with Israel.
At the same time, however, an Islamic Jihad leader said his group reserves the right to respond to what he called Israel's "brutal massacres."
Military officials said Israeli army chief Lieutenant General Dan Halutz did not give final approval for the arrest raid in Tulkarem that killed five Palestinians and set off a new round of violence. The officials said Halutz criticized the raid as ill-timed and lacking "sensitivity."
Still, some saw the raid and other measures as an attempt to shore up government support among Israeli hardliners after the Gaza pullout alienated large sections of Sharon's right-wing Likud party.
David Landau, editor of Israel's Haaretz daily, said he thinks Sharon has hurt himself "so badly with the Right that I honestly can't see much that he can do by way of winning them back over."
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is
A Pale View of Hills, a movie released last year, follows the story of a Japanese woman from Nagasaki who moved to Britain in the 1950s with her British husband and daughter from a previous marriage. The daughter was born at a time when memories of the US atomic bombing of Nagasaki during World War II and anxiety over the effects of nuclear radiation still haunted the community. It is a reflection on the legacy of the local and national trauma of the bombing that ended the period of Japanese militarism. A central theme of the movie is the need, at