Hong Kong might not be as democratic as Taiwan, but its Legislative Council (LegCo) used to run cleaner election campaigns than Taiwan -- with better rule of law, and less gangster involvement or corruption. This, however, is no longer the case. Such a change has a lot to do with China's intervention. As the Sept. 12 LegCo election approaches, more problems are becoming apparent.
First, Beijing attempts to control Hong Kong-based media with the help of gangsters -- a prelude to its oppression of the pro-democracy activists. The gang-sters have blackmailed talk show panelists who embrace justice. Beijing, in return, has rewarded them for their patriotism with closer ties. Rewards such as political titles and easy access to the Chinese market have also been given to the owners of media organizations who have chosen to side with Beijing in this election. No wonder most media organizations in Hong Kong have unleashed attacks on the pro-democracy activists, striking a major blow.
Second, China is conducting a smear campaign against the pro-democracy activists. It used to criticize the smear campaigns in Taiwan, but now it is resorting to every conceivable means. For example, the security department in Dongguan, Guangdong Province, arrested Democratic Party candidate Ho Wai To (何偉途) under the charge of procuring the services of prostitutes. Without being tried in court he was sentenced by the department to six months education in custody. The department also made his detailed "confession" public.
Third, China's intelligence agencies have also taken the initiative. A few weeks ago, some pro-democracy sympathizers writing in newspaper columns revealed that Chinese agents had been sent to Hong Kong to collect information against the pro-democracy camp. Unfortunately, some members of the camp ignored the warnings. As a result, not only was Ho arrested, but James To (涂謹申) was also accused of using public funds to rent a property.
The so-called "brain" of the Democratic Party, Law Chi-kwang (
Fourth, Beijing is carrying out operations in a manner similar to tactics used during the Boxer Rebellion. The "Boxer" figures in Hong Kong, often referred to as the Victoria Park Old Men, are veterans of the 1967 left-wing riots. Dismissed by society for decades, they have now regained their force and passionately attack the pro-democracy camp. They routinely insult democracy leaders with vulgar and violent language in the City Forum they hold every Sunday in the park. The harshest criticism is directed at legislators like Emily Lau (
Fifth, thieves and the like are also taking part. The main force in the pro-democracy camp, the Democratic Party, has not been their only target. Frontier, a political organization, and Albert Cheng (
Frontier convener Emily Lau's residence was broken into on Aug. 29 after she had gone out. The break-in was so professionally done that Lau did not immediately notice that it had happened when she returned, nor did she find anything missing. Yet the documents at her home could have been photographed. The only noticeable difference was a pair of socks that had been moved from a storage room and placed on a table. Lau could not guess the meaning of this.
Lau and Cheng, however, did not back off. Chen has campaigned many times in a pro-China electorate and been cornered by dozens of the Victoria Park old men. He turned to the police for help in maintaining order and protecting his safety.
Amid these odd happenings, Philip Wong (黃宜弘) was elected in a functional constituency without campaigning for it. He certainly has powerful connections.
Lau Chin-shek (劉千石), a pro-democracy heavyweight who advocates reconciliation with China, suddenly needed to show his filial duty last month (although his father has been dead for more than two decades). For this reason he did not take part in any electoral debates. Maybe he will still be able to win with the votes James To lost in the scandal over his rental property.
These incidents put the pro-democracy camp at a great disadvantage in the election. The camp lacks the ability to handle crises and has experienced a decline in public support. It has tried to reverse the situation by organizing a campaign convention, but Beijing may still work to disclose more information against it. Therefore, the situation does not look good.
Paul Lin is a political commentator based in New York.
Translated by Jennie Shih
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing