The fundamental paradigm that dominates democracy is the shift from representational to direct democracy. Ideally, voters want to run the show directly and are impatient with intermediaries between their opinions and public policy. This basic shift stems from a profusion of information in tandem with a general distrust for institutions and politicians.
In practice, however, such a "procedural democracy" does not represent a true democracy. The problem lies in the electoral system. Take Taiwan for example. The single non-transferable voting system is the key to Taiwan's immature democratic development. Under this system, a legislator can freely filibuster the legislative process or humiliate government officials so long as he or she can secure a sufficient number of votes.
Only recently, KMT Legislator Yu Yueh-hsia (游月霞) publicly called Mainland Affairs Council Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) a "spinster with psychological problems." Despite tremendous pressure, Yu refused to apologize. Yu's case is the manifestation of Taiwan's ugly and derogatory political culture. Public opinion polls have attributed the nation's political instability to the Legislative Yuan. But the behavior of such loose cannons happens all the time.
Some blame the voters who elected these lawmakers, but it is the legislators themselves who cannot exercise self-discipline. The media play a role in encouraging such misconduct. Most media reports have emphasized the antagonism and tension between the ruling and opposition parties. The legislators get more media exposure when they play along with this.
Parties have neither the will nor the guts to initiate electoral reforms. So far, leaders of all parties have agreed to reduce the number of legislators. The PFP even suggested reducing the number from 225 to 100. Regrettably, this is all empty talk. No major actions have been taken. The legislators themselves have become the watchdogs of their vested interests.
Under the circumstances, how can we improve the performance of the legislature? Since the public recognizes the Legislative Yuan as a source of political instability, how to manipulate public views will determine the effect of electoral reform.
Since President Chen Shui-bian (
Here are some concrete steps: First, to help the public to monitor the legislature, a legitimate and fair civil association -- composed of experts, academics, media and opinion leaders -- must be formed to monitor legislators' performance.
Second, the media should refrain from reporting major news events staged by legislators trying to excuse themselves from wrongdoing. The local press should weigh its own commercial interests and its responsibility to educate the public about right and wrong.
Third, a constitutional change is needed to reform the electoral system. In this regard, Chen should accelerate the pace of electoral reforms.
Finally, as the electorate has become more opinionated and self-confident and its distrust of politicians, parties and other institutions has become more profound. This underlying shift away from blind faith and toward self-reliance, will lead to fresh demands for referendums. Referendums are a way to move beyond the legislature and have the legislature execute the policy decisions of voters. Reform-minded leaders with a broad vision should take the lead, even though the reforms may not be in their own or their party's best interest.
Liu Kuan-teh is a political commentator based in Taipei.
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